Balancing acts

India keeps its foreign policy independent and flexible

United States (US) President Joe Biden’s decision to not come as chief guest at the 2024 Republic Day parade is indicative of a challenging phase in Indo-US ties. Notably, Mr Biden did not offer a specific reason for not coming. In 1994, Bill Clinton as President declined Prime Minister P V Narasimha Rao’s invitation, citing preoccupation with the State of the Union address. In 2018, Donald Trump also declined on account of domestic commitments. Mr Biden’s refusal comes soon after Washington accused New Delhi of a plot to assassinate US-based Sikh separatist Gurpatwant Singh Pannun.

As a result, India had to cancel the Quad leaders’ summit, scheduled for January 27, since the other members, Australia and Japan, were unlikely to attend in the absence of the power that drives the alliance. The quasi-military Quad alliance is one of the consequential elements of Indo-US relations, having been revived from its previously moribund status by former President Trump as a counter to China’s aggressive expansion in the Indo-Pacific. Coordinating ultra-busy calendars of national leaders for an alternative date will be tough, as Australia learnt in May this year. Then Mr Biden had to cancel his visit to the Sydney summit on account of the debt-ceiling negotiations in Washington. Eventually, Australia hosted the summit on the sidelines of the G7 Summit in Hiroshima. Apart from scheduling problems, the cancellation of the Quad comes at a time when relations between the US and China are thawing following a summit in California between Mr Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping in November. Last week, as a result of agreements in California, the chairman of the US joint chiefs of staff held a virtual meeting with his counterpart of China’s People’s Liberation Army. This is the first meeting since such high-level talks had been suspended following then US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan in August last year. The readouts of the meeting from both sides spoke of the need to keep talking to avoid misunderstandings and miscalculations.

Such new-found Sino-US amity leaves New Delhi somewhat adrift from its perceived position as the US’ Asian lynchpin. The scope for returning to firmer footing remains, however. The US is India’s largest trade partner and the country’s reputation as a viable China-Plus-One investment destination has been enhanced by the success of Apple. Earlier this year, a state visit by Prime Minister Narendra Modi yielded, among other gains, plans for joint production of aircraft engines and space tieups. Recent developments may well underline the importance of independent diplomacy, which has always been India’s position. It is notable, for instance, that India has been shifting its stance on the Israel-Hamas war, after initially taking a somewhat pro-Israeli line. Last week, India voted in favour of a UN General Assembly (UNGA) resolution backing the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination; only Israel and the US opposed it. This is the second time in a month that India has voted against the US position on Israel-Hamas issues at the UNGA, underlining New Delhi’s ability for flexible diplomacy that serves its interests best.