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India must recognise that maritime capability alone cannot resolve its energy vulnerability
India is holding its own for now, but the pressures on its regional stature are substantial
Diplomacy is outward-oriented; its target is a foreign state, not one's domestic audience
India's air power today sits at the centre of a far more complex security environment than at any point in the past two decades
As several international relations scholars had predicted at the Cold War's end, the US is now faced with a genuine peer competitor, the PRC
Wars and border tensions have pushed up budgets since Independence but the expenditure tends to fall back once a situation eases
The import dependence is because too many plans, goals and targets have come unstuck
Even though the Indian policymakers have periodically articulated lofty goals of self-reliance, they have not institutionalised a robust methodology to measure it
India's armed forces should be capable of facing conventional, hybrid, proxy wars leading to gray zone, cyber and cognitive war in an integrated multidomain and multispectrum force
For India, the practical upshot is to treat the relations with China as a long civilisational contest over scale and standing that will persist, while recognising that the tempo and forward assertiven
The transformation in India-Japan relations is most visible in their defence and security ties
The US has acted in a unilateral manner in the Hormuz and its transgression of humanitarian law and convention is at variance with the principles underpinning the Quad
With reunification ambitions intensifying, the Taiwan Strait remains Asia's most volatile flashpoint
A partnership forged in opportunity now confronts the realities of great-power politics
If the country's energy vulnerability is structural, so must be the response to it
The impasse continues, with the Hormuz being closed by Iran, thereby aggravating an already disrupted global energy market and the US maintaining the naval blockade that seeks to choke Iran's economy
By shifting the Nato into a transactional alliance, Europe must build its own sovereign deterrence
Modern conflicts rely on rapid adaptation and low-cost capabilities rather than high manoeuvre alone, as demonstrated in the Russia-Ukraine war, tensions involving Iran, and China's strategic posture
The Trump administration has repositioned China as an economic competitor to be managed through deal-making rather than a systemic adversary to be countered through alliances
India has repeatedly demonstrated the operational requirement for CSAR capability while repeatedly discovering the institutional gap between that requirement and available resources
Can China replace the United States (US) as the principal external anchor in West Asia? The short answer is no, but the longer answer is more consequential than a simple negative
