On power versus authority
The creation of the National Advisory Council (NAC) in June 2004, soon after United Progressive Alliance (UPA)-I came to power, was the first sign that Congress president Sonia Gandhi's 'renunciation' of power may have been plain politics, according to the book, The Accidental Prime Minister-The Making And Unmaking Of Manmohan Singh by the former media advisor to the prime minister (PM), Sanjaya Baru. It was more of a political tactic not to be the PM, rather than a response to a higher calling or to an "inner voice". While Sonia delegated power to Singh, authority was not delegated, the book suggests. "She had a decisive say in the allocation of portfolios."
On managing coalition
Whenever DMK chief M Karunanidhi came to the PM's house, Singh met him at the portico of 7 RCR and not just at the door of his room like in the case of other visitors. To make DMK feel special, Singh kept his work aside whenever there was an emissary from that party.
Singh is believed to have had a good equation with both the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) boss Sharad Pawar and Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD)'s Lalu Prasad Yadav, though he did not approve of their conduct many times. He regarded Pawar as an "ally" against his critics in the Cabinet.
On critics
Baru names the critics - Arjun Singh, A K Antony and Vayalar Ravi. The book also calls Antony and Arjun Singh as "difficult colleagues". Baru notes that Arjun Singh defied the PM openly but Antony was more guarded but difficult in private. Antony is believed to have disagreed with the PM on his foreign, defence and economic policy initiatives.
On foreign policy
While he could not exert his authority much in most areas, Singh wanted to be the boss in foreign policy. On the issue of sending troops to Iraq which the PM was opposed to, Baru writes that bringing the then foreign minister Natwar Singh into line was not a problem for the PM. "But bringing the politically ambitious Arjun Singh, left-of-centre Antony, and the presumed PM-in-waiting Pranab into line was always a challenge." While Pranab did not have an ideological problem with Singh, he was nursing a grudge that he was now serving under a person who had served under him many years ago.
On dealing with ministers
Singh hardly ever chided his ministers. When he saw ministers were not performing, he did their work. For instance, when he was not happy with Shivraj Patil's handling of internal security, he did the home minister's job himself. If he didn't like the way Kamal Nath handled trade talks at the World Trade Organization (WTO), he called the commerce secretary to tell how it should be done.
On corruption
Manmohan Singh has been described as incorruptible. But, when it came to his colleagues and subordinates, he has not imposed his own moral standards on them. "In practice, this meant that he turned a blind eye to the misdeeds of his ministers."
On intelligence briefing
Not only did Singh not spy on his colleagues, unlike other PMs, he even refused to take daily briefings from the intelligence chiefs. Both Intelligence Bureau (IB) and Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) chiefs reported to the National Security Advisor (NSA) instead. "The NSA became their effective boss in the UPA Prime Minister's Office (PMO)."
On contesting Lok Sabha seat
The author suggested to Singh that he should contest Lok Sabha elections in 2009. Baru argued that even if Congress lost, Singh could end his political career after winning a seat in the Lok Sabha. "In 2004, you were the accidental PM. In 2009, you have every right to return to office on the basis of your record," Baru told Singh. Singh's reply to that was "my health will not permit campaigning," and "anyway it is for the party to decide".
On his interactions
The book calls him a mystery, specially when it comes to personal interactions. He hardly ever indulges in personal talk and allows others to do the talking. But, Baru points out that he may seem to lack warmth, but that's actually his shyness. His wife Gursharan Kaur is believed to have said about the PM, "he swallows everything, never spits anything out."
On key appointments:
When TKA Nair was appointed principal secretary in the PMO in UPA-I, he was not the first choice of Singh, according to the book.
When Pranab Mukherjee was given the finance portfolio, there was no consultation with the PM.
The party (Congress) had sent strong recommendation to the PM for Digvijaya Singh, SM Krishna and Veerappa Moily for deputy chairman of the Planning Commission. Pulok Chatterjee, principal secretary in the PMO, who was appointed at the behest of Congress president Sonia Gandhi, said the party suggested Moily. But finally PM had his way and Montek Singh Ahluwalia became the Planning Commission's deputy chairman.
When Jairam Ramesh was appointed minister of state for commerce, he thanked Sonia Gandhi's friend Suman Dubey. "For Congress members of Parliament (MPs), the leader to please was always Sonia. They did not see loyalty to the PM as a political necessity…"
On Advani's prayers
During UPA's problems with the Left parties over the nuclear deal, Singh heard Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader LK Advani was offering prayers and performing havan for the ouster of the Singh government. "Singh laughed and said, they will not succeed if priests go by my official date of birth." Singh explained while September 26 is his official date of birth, it is actually something that his grandmother made up at the time of school admission.
On snacks
When his wife got to know Singh had been having samosa a few times, she jumped to her feet and got it replaced with dhokla. The book refers to tea and Marie biscuits as his energy source at work.
On alerts from the PM
Singh is known to be sending news alerts at odd hours to his staff. He listens to British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) in the morning and that is how he got the news of the tsunami in 2004. He immediately alerted PMO officials and much damage was averted due to early response.
On relations with Sonia
Although they did not meet very often, Sonia always caught up exclusively with Singh before the weekly meetings of the Congress core group.
In one social interaction, Sonia came to Singh to seek advice on Rahul's personal plans. After that, Singh lunched with Rahul.
In private, Sonia called him by his first name - Manmohan, but Singh stuck to Soniaji or Mrs Gandhi. In spite of all the talk about problems between the two, the book claims there was no sign of loss of trust.
Sonia's key aide Ahmed Patel was the political link between Singh and Sonia. "Patel would visit South Block mainly to lobby with Pulok for the inclusion of names of Congress party members on the boards of public enterprises and nationalised banks."
On power centre
When faced with a tough situation, Singh admitted that he did not have the last word and that the buck stopped at Sonia. He also said that there cannot be two centres of power that creates confusion. "I have to accept party president is the centre of power," Singh is believed to have told the author. Singh had conceded "the greater part of the PM turf to Sonia and his senior colleagues."
On being in the surrender mode
The book points out that many times the PM did not assert himself even when he knew a minister was showing personal preference in appointing secretary. He yielded so much space to other centres of power, he had little of his own to act, according to Baru.
In one instance, when the author was trying to project the PM's image, Singh snapped back saying, "I do not want my image to be projected." He also said, "let them take all the credit. I don't need it," ostensibly referring to Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi, while on the issue of extension of Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Gurantee Act to the whole country.
On economy
The book suggests that some of the welfare schemes of the UPA were a financial burden on the government. "Dr Singh was presiding over a government that had begun to spend money as if it was growing on trees." Baru goes on to say that fiscal irresponsibility of UPA-I hit investor sentiment and contributed to inflation.
Not in the loop
When Pranab Mukherjee was presenting his Budget in 2012, Singh didn't know till the very end what the speech might say. It was in that Budget that corporate tax policy with restrospective effect was announced, with "disastrous consequences for investor sentiment".
More on Pranab
When Pranab returned from Washington DC as foreign minister, he met Sonia but not Singh. The visit to the US was critical. When Singh was asked how Pranab's US meeting had gone, he replied, "I don't know."
The book says Pranab didn't allow Anand Sharma, then his junior minister in external affairs, to travel out to other countries. Sharma is believed to have confided in people that he was not even allowed to reply to Parliament questions.
On Plan B of UPA
In UPA-I, there was no Plan B as Rahul Gandhi was still not ready and Sonia did not trust anybody other than Singh. In UPA-II, things started changing and a Plan B began to emerge because by now Rahul was showing signs of being ready.
The ultimate error
Promising loyalty to hereditary succession is a monarchical attribute, not a democratic one, the book states summing up Manmohan Singh's tenure in the UPA. "That's was Dr Singh's fatal error of judgement."
The creation of the National Advisory Council (NAC) in June 2004, soon after United Progressive Alliance (UPA)-I came to power, was the first sign that Congress president Sonia Gandhi's 'renunciation' of power may have been plain politics, according to the book, The Accidental Prime Minister-The Making And Unmaking Of Manmohan Singh by the former media advisor to the prime minister (PM), Sanjaya Baru. It was more of a political tactic not to be the PM, rather than a response to a higher calling or to an "inner voice". While Sonia delegated power to Singh, authority was not delegated, the book suggests. "She had a decisive say in the allocation of portfolios."
On managing coalition
Whenever DMK chief M Karunanidhi came to the PM's house, Singh met him at the portico of 7 RCR and not just at the door of his room like in the case of other visitors. To make DMK feel special, Singh kept his work aside whenever there was an emissary from that party.
Singh is believed to have had a good equation with both the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) boss Sharad Pawar and Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD)'s Lalu Prasad Yadav, though he did not approve of their conduct many times. He regarded Pawar as an "ally" against his critics in the Cabinet.
On critics
Baru names the critics - Arjun Singh, A K Antony and Vayalar Ravi. The book also calls Antony and Arjun Singh as "difficult colleagues". Baru notes that Arjun Singh defied the PM openly but Antony was more guarded but difficult in private. Antony is believed to have disagreed with the PM on his foreign, defence and economic policy initiatives.
On foreign policy
While he could not exert his authority much in most areas, Singh wanted to be the boss in foreign policy. On the issue of sending troops to Iraq which the PM was opposed to, Baru writes that bringing the then foreign minister Natwar Singh into line was not a problem for the PM. "But bringing the politically ambitious Arjun Singh, left-of-centre Antony, and the presumed PM-in-waiting Pranab into line was always a challenge." While Pranab did not have an ideological problem with Singh, he was nursing a grudge that he was now serving under a person who had served under him many years ago.
On dealing with ministers
Singh hardly ever chided his ministers. When he saw ministers were not performing, he did their work. For instance, when he was not happy with Shivraj Patil's handling of internal security, he did the home minister's job himself. If he didn't like the way Kamal Nath handled trade talks at the World Trade Organization (WTO), he called the commerce secretary to tell how it should be done.
On corruption
Manmohan Singh has been described as incorruptible. But, when it came to his colleagues and subordinates, he has not imposed his own moral standards on them. "In practice, this meant that he turned a blind eye to the misdeeds of his ministers."
On intelligence briefing
Not only did Singh not spy on his colleagues, unlike other PMs, he even refused to take daily briefings from the intelligence chiefs. Both Intelligence Bureau (IB) and Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) chiefs reported to the National Security Advisor (NSA) instead. "The NSA became their effective boss in the UPA Prime Minister's Office (PMO)."
On contesting Lok Sabha seat
The author suggested to Singh that he should contest Lok Sabha elections in 2009. Baru argued that even if Congress lost, Singh could end his political career after winning a seat in the Lok Sabha. "In 2004, you were the accidental PM. In 2009, you have every right to return to office on the basis of your record," Baru told Singh. Singh's reply to that was "my health will not permit campaigning," and "anyway it is for the party to decide".
On his interactions
The book calls him a mystery, specially when it comes to personal interactions. He hardly ever indulges in personal talk and allows others to do the talking. But, Baru points out that he may seem to lack warmth, but that's actually his shyness. His wife Gursharan Kaur is believed to have said about the PM, "he swallows everything, never spits anything out."
On key appointments:
When TKA Nair was appointed principal secretary in the PMO in UPA-I, he was not the first choice of Singh, according to the book.
When Pranab Mukherjee was given the finance portfolio, there was no consultation with the PM.
The party (Congress) had sent strong recommendation to the PM for Digvijaya Singh, SM Krishna and Veerappa Moily for deputy chairman of the Planning Commission. Pulok Chatterjee, principal secretary in the PMO, who was appointed at the behest of Congress president Sonia Gandhi, said the party suggested Moily. But finally PM had his way and Montek Singh Ahluwalia became the Planning Commission's deputy chairman.
When Jairam Ramesh was appointed minister of state for commerce, he thanked Sonia Gandhi's friend Suman Dubey. "For Congress members of Parliament (MPs), the leader to please was always Sonia. They did not see loyalty to the PM as a political necessity…"
On Advani's prayers
During UPA's problems with the Left parties over the nuclear deal, Singh heard Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader LK Advani was offering prayers and performing havan for the ouster of the Singh government. "Singh laughed and said, they will not succeed if priests go by my official date of birth." Singh explained while September 26 is his official date of birth, it is actually something that his grandmother made up at the time of school admission.
On snacks
When his wife got to know Singh had been having samosa a few times, she jumped to her feet and got it replaced with dhokla. The book refers to tea and Marie biscuits as his energy source at work.
On alerts from the PM
Singh is known to be sending news alerts at odd hours to his staff. He listens to British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) in the morning and that is how he got the news of the tsunami in 2004. He immediately alerted PMO officials and much damage was averted due to early response.
On relations with Sonia
Although they did not meet very often, Sonia always caught up exclusively with Singh before the weekly meetings of the Congress core group.
In one social interaction, Sonia came to Singh to seek advice on Rahul's personal plans. After that, Singh lunched with Rahul.
In private, Sonia called him by his first name - Manmohan, but Singh stuck to Soniaji or Mrs Gandhi. In spite of all the talk about problems between the two, the book claims there was no sign of loss of trust.
Sonia's key aide Ahmed Patel was the political link between Singh and Sonia. "Patel would visit South Block mainly to lobby with Pulok for the inclusion of names of Congress party members on the boards of public enterprises and nationalised banks."
On power centre
When faced with a tough situation, Singh admitted that he did not have the last word and that the buck stopped at Sonia. He also said that there cannot be two centres of power that creates confusion. "I have to accept party president is the centre of power," Singh is believed to have told the author. Singh had conceded "the greater part of the PM turf to Sonia and his senior colleagues."
On being in the surrender mode
The book points out that many times the PM did not assert himself even when he knew a minister was showing personal preference in appointing secretary. He yielded so much space to other centres of power, he had little of his own to act, according to Baru.
In one instance, when the author was trying to project the PM's image, Singh snapped back saying, "I do not want my image to be projected." He also said, "let them take all the credit. I don't need it," ostensibly referring to Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi, while on the issue of extension of Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Gurantee Act to the whole country.
On economy
The book suggests that some of the welfare schemes of the UPA were a financial burden on the government. "Dr Singh was presiding over a government that had begun to spend money as if it was growing on trees." Baru goes on to say that fiscal irresponsibility of UPA-I hit investor sentiment and contributed to inflation.
Not in the loop
When Pranab Mukherjee was presenting his Budget in 2012, Singh didn't know till the very end what the speech might say. It was in that Budget that corporate tax policy with restrospective effect was announced, with "disastrous consequences for investor sentiment".
More on Pranab
When Pranab returned from Washington DC as foreign minister, he met Sonia but not Singh. The visit to the US was critical. When Singh was asked how Pranab's US meeting had gone, he replied, "I don't know."
The book says Pranab didn't allow Anand Sharma, then his junior minister in external affairs, to travel out to other countries. Sharma is believed to have confided in people that he was not even allowed to reply to Parliament questions.
On Plan B of UPA
In UPA-I, there was no Plan B as Rahul Gandhi was still not ready and Sonia did not trust anybody other than Singh. In UPA-II, things started changing and a Plan B began to emerge because by now Rahul was showing signs of being ready.
The ultimate error
Promising loyalty to hereditary succession is a monarchical attribute, not a democratic one, the book states summing up Manmohan Singh's tenure in the UPA. "That's was Dr Singh's fatal error of judgement."
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