Forget appeasement, even fair representation of Muslims is missing

Apart from a few exceptions, representation of Muslims in the Bihar Assembly has been in the range of 6-9 per cent since 1962

According to reports in Patna-based Hindi dailies, the most intensely debated topic of discussion, ahead of elections, among Muslims in Bihar is how to deal with their falling representation in the legislative assembly. One section is of the view that since the elections are taking place at a decisive moment, the community should not worry about their share. Not willing to buy this argument, the other section is letting out its anguish by saying that their rightful share is being denied even at a time when their votes are going to be crucial in deciding the outcome. 

What is the guarantee that the community’s interests will be taken care of in future, the proponents of this view ask.

The debate follows the declaration of candidates which shows once again that major political parties are reluctant to field more Muslim candidates to contest elections. Except the Lalu Prasad-led Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) to some extent, none of the major parties is even remotely close to nominated number of Muslim candidates in proportion to the community’s share in state population.

Only 7 per cent of the total candidates fielded by the three major parties (Bharatiya Janata Party, the Janata Dal (United) and the RJD) are from the minority. Other parties haven’t done any better. Muslims constitute nearly 17 per cent of the state’s population.
 

No wonder, the representation of Muslims in the Bihar assembly has been abysmally low all these years, quite similar to the national trend. Apart from a few exceptions, it has been in the range of 6-9 per cent since 1962. Two exceptions were 1977 (10%) and 1985 (11%). And the last two assembly elections have seen even fewer Muslims getting elected (19 in 2010 and 15 in 2005).

This is happening in a state which has as many as 24 near Muslim-majority assembly seats, mostly in the Seemanchal region. The region has four districts- Kishanganj, Katihar, Purnea and Araria- where Muslims constitute more than 45 per cent of the total population. Additionally, there are seven more districts where the community’s population is in the range of 18 to 30 per cent of the total population. What it essentially means is that there are at least 50 seats where Muslims can decisively impact the electoral outcome.

What explains the fall in Muslim representation in legislative bodies? In the context of Bihar, it is the apprehension of counter-polarisation of anti-Muslim votes that has kept political parties, especially the ones who are counting on votes from the minority community to sail through, from fielding more candidates from the community. A Bihar Congress leader told me some time back that “there is a view in the grand alliance (consisting of the Congress, the RJD and the JD (U)) that let us not take the risk of all other communities coming together to defeat Muslim candidates if we field them even in constituencies having sizeable presence of members from the community.”

However, at the national level, multiplicity of Muslim candidates in minority-dominated constituencies and the consequent fall in their political representation could be a reflection of the community’s growing indifference towards political parties and the kind of Muslim leaders who have represented them so far. It could also be a result of rejection of identity politics. Some scholars have even begun to challenge the notion that Muslim representation can be measured in terms of how many of them make it to legislative bodies. They say that the notion presupposes that Muslims alone can represent the interests of their community. It also presupposes that Muslims tend to vote in block. Both these assumptions are questionable, they argue.

The question Muslim representation may require a whole new perspective, but the fact that the community’s share in legislative bodies is declining does suggest that there is no substantive appeasement taking place.