Kevin Rudd's book examines Xi Jinping's push to reshape Western norms

The author concludes that the Chinese leader is determined to strengthen ideology, change global norms in China's favour, and leave a legacy of his thoughts as the driving mandate for the CPC

On Xi Jinping: How Xi’s Marxist Nationalism is Shaping China and the World

Author: Kevin Rudd

Publisher: OUP

Pages: 610

Price: Rs 2,734

  In the last few years, there have been multiple attempts by scholars to understand and analyse the thoughts of Xi Jinping. This is because as General Secretary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and President of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), he has managed to change the discourse on China’s domestic and foreign policy. Given the opaque nature of the CPC’s functioning, one is always left wondering how and why things happen and what the world can expect from Xi.  Understanding Xi’s policies are also crucial because China is central to the international system. That is why this book by Kevin Rudd, who channels his years of experience of working with China, is an essential read. 

  The author conducts a detailed and nuanced reading of all the texts, speeches and directives by Xi and concludes that the Chinese leader is determined to strengthen ideology, change global norms in China’s favour, and leave a legacy of his thoughts as the driving mandate for the CPC.

  The major theme of the book is that Xi has abandoned Deng Xiaoping’s dictum to “hide the strength, and bide the time”. Under Xi, China is ready to flex its muscles. The primary argument is that China under Xi is moving left on the economy and right on foreign policy. The author calls this “Xi’s Marxist Nationalism”. The clampdown on the private sector has been the norm under Xi, who perceives its existence as an aberration to CPC tenets. The trend is towards the “contraction of the private sphere and expansion of the public sphere controlled by the party”.

  When it comes to domestic policy, the posturing is closely dependent on nationalism. This is apparent with the rise of “wolf warrior” diplomacy. These two trends are crucial because Xi does not want the Chinese state to become a challenger to the “political and operational primacy of a Leninist Party”. The Leninist Party is the soul of China and being “red’ is mandatory. No surprises that Xi has executed the longest anti-corruption drive in the CPC’s history, with the projected goal of preserving the party’s sanctity.

  It is possible to conclude, then, that when it comes to domestic politics under Xi, it’s the party that reigns supreme in its truest form, and ideology dictates this. Deng’s era of putting ideology on the back seat is over and so is the centrality of reform and opening up. This much is obvious from the fact that mentions of “reform and opening up” have been vanishing from official statements. Under Xi, the primary stage of socialism is over and “China could now be less than 25 years away from this critical transition to a more advanced form of socialism”, and this stage, Mr Rudd predicts, may end somewhere after 2035 and before 2049. Xi is also trying to bridge Chinese culture and Marxism.

  One can also see the rise of the kind of cult leadership similar to the one that developed under Mao Zedong. “Xi had become ‘the core’, the ‘marshal’, the ‘general’, the ‘great leader’ and now the ‘pilot at the helm’ of his increasingly Leninist Party,” Mr Rudd writes, adding, “In only five years, a cascading set of actions and announcements had … built Xi Jinping’s new Mao-like status, reinforced by an almost Mao-like cult personality.” These statements underscore Xi’s centrality in the party apparatus, apart from the abolition of the term limit on the presidency, making him leader for life.

  When it comes to foreign policy, Mr Rudd writes that “Xi Jinping’s China was now engaged in a full-blooded ideational and nationalist struggle against the Western world”. This has been possible because Xi believes that the United States has been continuously “distracted by its rolling wars in the wider Middle East, and has become a less decisive factor in shaping China’s overall strategic calculus”.

  Xi also believes that China is now almost a global equal of the United States. Such policy directives have also pushed for an increased assertion, especially with respect to territorial and neighbourhood policies of Beijing.

  Taiwan is also a crucial factor today as Xi has intrinsically linked it to the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation and reunification is the ultimate goal. Mr Rudd paints a vivid picture of the possible outcome and scenarios vis-à-vis a future conflict across the Taiwan Straits, the outcome of which will have a major impact on the future of CPC and global geopolitics.

  Xi has been pushing for a change in the international discourse and norms, especially the idea of human rights. The book provides a nuanced perspective on how Xi has gradually become assertive in international institutions like the United Nations. The sole agenda here is to alter the accepted norms of the Western world and strengthen Chinese viewpoints. The concepts of Community of Common Destiny (CCD), Global Development Initiative (GDI), Global Security Initiative (GSI) and the Global Civilization Initiative (GCI) are, thus, being projected as possible alternatives of the existing world order.

  Mr Rudd has also dealt with the question of what happens after Xi, which has been perplexing China watchers. He concludes that Xi will only be comfortable handing over power to the generation that has been educated and moulded by the “Xi Jinping Thought”. Under Xi, the mistakes of Mao have been glossed over and the achievements of Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao forgotten, making it increasingly apparent that to understand China of today and the future, one will have to become a student of Xi Jinping Thought.

    The reviewer is associate professor, O P Jindal Global University