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Launched in just 100 districts on January 22, 2015, the Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao (BBBP) scheme — a nationwide “saving the girl child and educating her” campaign of the Narendra Modi government’s first term — has since expanded to cover the entire country with broader goals, such as improving menstrual health and promoting sports participation among girls.
The scheme was launched in response to the alarming decline in the sex ratio at birth, a critical indicator tied to deeply ingrained practices such as sex-selective abortions and female infanticide. The 2012 Nirbhaya case also contributed to the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP’s) 2014 Lok Sabha manifesto proposing women-centric schemes. The manifesto featured a section titled “Women - The Nation Builder” that promised 33 per cent reservation for women in legislatures, the nationwide save the girl child campaign, and commitments to stricter enforcement of laws related to crimes against women.
Ten years down the line, the scheme seems to have made strides in improving the sex ratio at birth and increasing awareness about gender equality, but challenges such as declining school enrolment rates, rising violence against women, and underutilisation of funds continue to hinder its broader impact.
In 2014-15, the sex ratio at birth stood at 918 girls per 1,000 boys, reflecting a strong societal preference for sons. According to a 2020 report by the United Nations Population Fund, around 45.8 million females were “missing” in India due to pre- and post-birth gender selection practices. A Pew Research Center study estimated that at least 9 million girls were “missing” in India between 2000 and 2019.
Since the scheme’s inception, the ratio has improved, reaching 934 girls per 1,000 boys by 2021-22. While this is a positive step, it remains below historical levels of 976 girls per 1,000 boys in 1961 and 945 in 1991. According to the World Health Organization, the natural sex ratio at birth ranges between 943 and 952 females per 1,000 males, highlighting the continuing challenge of achieving gender balance and addressing the legacy of female foeticide.
One measure of the scheme’s impact is school enrolment rates. In 2017, the scheme had set a target to increase girls’ gross enrolment ratio (GER) in secondary education from 76 per cent to 79 per cent. The goal was achieved, enrolment rates have since declined slightly. By 2023-24, girls’ enrolment in secondary education stood at 78 per cent, down from 80.1 per cent in 2020-21, though still higher than boys’ enrolment, which fell from 78.3 per cent in 2020-21 to 76.8 per cent in 2023-24.
GER data shows fluctuations across all education levels. For instance, girls’ enrolment in higher secondary education peaked at 58.7 per cent in 2022-23 but dropped to 58.2 per cent in 2023-24. Boys’ enrolment at the same level declined from 57 per cent in 2021-22 to 54.4 per cent in 2023-24. While girls’ enrolment has consistently outpaced boys’, it remains unclear how much of this progress is directly attributable to the scheme.
Government data from the District Information System for Education (DISE) reveals that girls’ enrolment was already higher than boys’ even before the scheme was introduced. GER is a statistical measure used to determine the total enrollment in a particular education level expressed as a percentage of the population that is of official age for that level of education.
Female literacy rates historically lagged men’s. In 1991, female literacy was 39.29 per cent against 64.13 per cent for men. By 2023, female literacy had improved to 70 per cent, while men’s literacy stood at 85 per cent. Although the gender gap in literacy has narrowed over the years, it persists.
Despite some positive strides, the issue of violence and crimes against women remains a concern. The scheme also aims to address violence against women by equipping girls with self-defence skills. However, the rate of crimes against women has risen, with data from the National Crime Records Bureau showing a 12.9 per cent rise between 2018 and 2022. In 2022, the crime rate against women stood at 66.4 per 100,000 women, up from 58.8 in 2018.
The scheme has also faced challenges related to funding allocation. In 2020, the Budget allocation was Rs 220 crore (around Rs 34 lakh per district), but actual expenditure consistently fell short. For instance, only Rs 34.84 crore of the Rs 90 crore allocated in 2014-15 was spent. Similarly, in 2020-21, just Rs 60.57 crore of the allocated Rs 220 crore was utilised. Since the scheme’s integration into the Sambal initiative in 2021-22, tracking its exact funding has become more difficult. However, data indicates that funding under Sambal has also been underutilised, limiting the scheme’s impact.
The scheme was launched shortly after another women-centric initiative, the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan, on October 2, 2014, and just weeks before the Delhi Assembly polls on February 7, 2015, when former police officer Kiran Bedi was the BJP’s chief ministerial candidate.
According to a study by Rajeshwari Deshpande of the University of Pune, after analysing CSDS-Lokniti data from 1996 to 2009, women were less likely to vote for the BJP, but this began to change after the 2010 Bihar Assembly elections where the percentage turnout of women electors was more than that of men. Women supported the Nitish Kumar-led JD(U)-BJP coalition more than men, partly due to policies like free cycles for girl students, a 50 per cent quota for women in local governance, and support for women’s self-help groups.
