Politics of exclusion

How should the government decide which groups are entitled to affirmative action? Should reservation be extended to people on the basis of their historically depressed status, or deprivation measured in terms of their social, economic and cultural backwardness? Alternatively, should class be used to define the groups entitled to affirmative action or should caste alone be the only criterion?

Zoya Hasan, in her book under review, attempts an answer to these and many other such tricky questions. The outcome has undoubtedly contributed to the rich literature that already exists on the contentious issues of affirmative action and inclusive politics in India. Employing the intellectual rigour of an academic, Hasan presents her case convincingly and with clarity.

The author premises her central thesis on the finding that independent India has always wrestled with two kinds of arguments. In one argument, reservations are seen as fundamental to equality and, therefore, a different treatment for disadvantaged groups is favoured. And in the other argument, reservations for religious minorities are not seen as an appropriate policy instrument because this is against the spirit of the Constitution. The author, therefore, questions whether recognising religious minorities for policy attention is intrinsically unacceptable or whether this militates against the rules of a secular democracy. Or whether recognising minorities for affirmative action is unacceptable because of its perceived harmful consequences, like fragmentation and communalisation of the polity.

The author contends that such distinct approaches create lop-sided policies. Policies aimed at promoting equality of opportunity and access to public institutions help only particular social categories and not all deprived groups. In her assessment, India’s success story in ensuring reservations for different socially excluded caste groups is as glaring as its failure in facilitating the inclusion of minorities in public institutions.

Minorities account for 19 per cent of India’s population. Muslims, who have the largest share at over 13 per cent, suffer greater deprivation and disadvantage than other minorities. The Sachar Committee Report has cited data to establish the Muslims’ under-representation in public institutions. It shows how they are in many respects as disadvantaged as the lowest Hindu caste groups. Yet, policies, debates and discussions in this country have largely ignored the issue of minorities’ exclusion.

Hasan does not provide any clear explanation for Muslims suffering greater deprivation. But she points out that the first-past-the-post system may have gone against dispersed minorities, although this alone cannot explain the under-representation of Muslims. Nevertheless, she favours a debate for a change in the electoral system. For, the key issue, according to her, is the political process that can pave the way for minority representation in the same way it has facilitated the representation of backward castes in political institutions. There is no doubt that caste-based affirmative action has contributed to identity-driven political mobilisation, which in turn has encouraged political parties to give tickets to lower castes during elections.

The author’s line of arguments makes a convincing case for extending the scope of the government’s policy on reservations beyond caste inequalities. Deprivation and discrimination, after all, are not confined to a single community or group. Hasan also points to a definitional bias in caste-based reservations that exclude non-Hindus. Today’s reality is that the benefits of the existing reservations policy have been monopolised by disadvantaged sections in the majority community.

As the country heads for another general election, Hasan’s book makes a timely comment on the major national political parties’ preoccupation with caste and, therefore, the need for a review of this stance. It may be true that reservations on the basis of religion are not permissible under the Constitution, but the irony is that religious criteria are already inherent in the process of classification of beneficiary groups and the definition of backwardness. Indeed, the courts in India have acknowledged castes to be a constituent of Hinduism, the author argues.

What should, then, be the government’s approach towards reservations? The author provides a way out. A continued emphasis on one dimension of group disadvantage must give way to the formulation of complex criteria such as income disparities, minority disadvantage and gender. In other words, economic inequalities as well as entrenched social prejudices both should be part of the criteria to determine the coverage of affirmative action.

POLITICS OF INCLUSION 
CASTES, MINORITIES, AND AFFIRMATIVE ACTION

Zoya Hasan
Oxford University Press
Rs 675; Pages: 302 +XIV