Of the 10 seats that vote in the third phase in Uttar Pradesh on April 23 , seven fall in the north-western Rohilkhand region, home to constituencies as high profile as Bareilly, Moradabad, Rampur and Pilibhit. Muslims have a large presence in Rohilkhand, with a population of 50.57 percent in Rampur, 52.17 percent in Sambhal and 47.12 percent in Moradabad, according to Census 2011. The numbers taper off in Bareilly (34.54 percent), Pilbhit (24.11 percent) and Badaun (21.47 percent). Despite the big population of Muslims, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won all the Rohilkhand seats in 2014, barring Badaun that elected Dharmendra Yadav, a nephew of Mulayam Singh Yadav, the Samajwadi Party (SP) patriarch. How do the stats stack up after the SP’s alliance with the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD)?
“The gathbandhan (alliance) weighs heavily on us,” conceded Brahmanand, the BJP’s former Sambhal town president, adding, “we have recalibrated our strategies and tweaked the campaign to meet the coalition challenges.”
To get a sense of how the demographics worked in Sambhal, traditionally an SP stronghold, in the 2014 parliamentary election, the BJP’s candidate, Satyapal Singh Saini bested the SP’s incumbent MP, Shafiqur Rahman Barq, but only by 4, 932 votes and not the spectacular margins that the other BJP victors posted. The BSP had also fielded a Muslim, Aqeelur Rehman Khan, who secured a vote percentage of 23.90 percent. If that was added to the 33.59 percent that Barq polled, Saini, who got 34.08 percent, would have lost decisively.
Mukesh Valmiki, a Dalit and the BJP’s coordinator of the Sambhal assembly seat, was tasked to “win over” the BSP voters. “I am equipped with lists that have the block and ward-wise names of all those who benefitted from the central government’s schemes such as the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, household toilets, Ayushman Bharat and Ujwala. I approach the Jatavs to cross-check and see if they have received the benefits. I ask them, if you have gained from the Centre’s schemes, why aren’t you voting BJP and Modiji?” said Valmiki. Of course, he, like his BJP colleagues, wouldn’t say if a negative response from the targeted beneficiaries would eventually be on peril of losing the Centre’s “largesse”. “At least, we can identify our loyalists from the traitors,” he remarked.
Agrawal farmed out specific localities to the Delhi volunteers, directed them to focus only on the Dalits and “if possible”, Muslim women and ask what “miracles” Mayawati would perform with “10 or 15 MPs” that Modi with a majority will not.
Rajesh Tripathi, an RSS swayamsevak (volunteer) who is also a Rotarian, said he specially organised Navratra fairs and community festivals in the Dalit- majority areas to canvass votes for the BJP. “If we identify even two members in a family who are favourably inclined towards the BJP and can influence the others, our job is done,” said Tripathi.
Like Sambhal, the gathbandhan put up a Muslim candidate in Moradabad, Dr ST Hasan as has the Congress, Imran Pratapgarhi, a poet who reportedly charges a huge amount for his public recitals. Asked if the BJP’s intense thrust could split the Dalit votes, Gulab Singh, the BSP’s area coordinator, said, “The order from behenji (Mayawati) is we must vote the gathbandhan. No amount of threats and blandishments will make us change our mind. The BJP always tried to use Dalits as pawns. They won’t succeed this time.”