Prime Minister Manmohan Singh should be congratulated on pulling off a landmark nuclear deal with the US during President Bush's visit. From the information that is available, the deal seems to be on terms that are manifestly favourable to India, and all the points of criticism or concern have been addressed. The critics, including those within the atomic energy establishment, have been assuaged and some of them have already endorsed the agreement. Keeping eight nuclear reactors out of the international safeguards and inspection regime should give the country enough room to get as much bomb material as it needs for maintaining a credible nuclear deterrent; indeed, even reactors that are built in the future can be kept out of the safeguards regime, if India so wishes. This puts an end to the fear that the US intention was to cap India's strategic nuclear capability. The fast breeder reactor programme, which was the subject of controversy, will also stay out of safeguards, and further atomic research can continue unhindered. While nothing has therefore been lost in terms of India's strategic programme and defence needs, the agreement opens the door to enhanced uranium supplies for the civilian power programme as well as access to modern nuclear technology. | |
| The Prime Minister deserves special credit because his own Congress party has not been entirely comfortable with the warming of India-US ties. There has been persistent talk that the Congress risks the Muslim vote in the coming assembly elections because of President Bush's policies with regard to Iraq and Palestine. Even the Left has chosen, regrettably, to play the Muslim card in this context. It is not a good idea to communalise foreign policy, and the focus should remain at all times on the larger national interest. |
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| President Bush too deserves credit for staying the course, despite criticism from elements of the American and international nuclear establishment for making an exception that favours India. He has kept the big picture in mind: India's responsible conduct on nuclear matters, its growing energy needs and the need to diversify sources of supply for India's and the world's benefit, and removing an important irritant so that the two countries can develop a long-term strategic relationship. Mr Bush has also recognised and come to terms with contemporary nuclear reality""including India's right to have bomb-making capacity""and this reflects his larger perception of India as a country with which the US has more in common than past US presidents have been able to recognise. |
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| The deal becomes effective only if the US Congress changes some American laws and if the US persuades the 45-country Nuclear Supplier Group to waive sanctions on India when it comes to nuclear supplies. Informed opinion is that Congressional approval will not be easy, but is feasible if President Bush expends political capital and puts his weight behind it. The NSG could also be problematic, and it remains to be seen what position China (for instance) adopts. Most other countries can be expected to follow the US lead, including Russia and the other European members. In short, fingers should remain crossed for the time being. |
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| The larger framework within which to view this development is the developing relationship between India and the US, for it sends out a powerful signal to all countries, including those in the neighbourhood. There is also an economic content to the Bush visit, in terms of rapidly growing trade and economic co-operation""all of which can only benefit India. The vocal Indian critics of the Bush visit should realise that while they and many others may disapprove of what Mr Bush does in other parts of the world, his presidency has been good news for India and that doing business with him is in the national interest. |
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