It also led to a peculiar situation where state transport corporations bought diesel at higher prices compared to private transporters. This seriously disadvantaged them. There is no rational ground for this. Such steps only serve the purpose of out-pricing public services provided by the government. As it is, most state transport corporations are incurring huge losses; making their principal input more expensive, compared to that for private transporters, has only worsened the situation. In the final analysis, the tab for it will have to be picked up by the taxpayer. In that sense, the decision to bring state transport corporations back to subsidised fuel must be seen as being aimed at removing a distortion, not a regressive measure. Ideally, the subsidy should be removed for all; but so long as it is there, it is wrong to exclude one set of users from it. In this case, it happened to be state transport corporations, which cater to the poorest sections of society.
The second anomalous situation created by the dual-price regime was with regard to the railways: it seriously dented their position vis-à-vis road transporters for both cargo and passengers. Earlier, it would make sense to transport goods by road for distances of up to 400 kilometres; now, since road transporters get cheaper diesel compared to the railways, this advantage has only got better. What Mr Moily's latest proposal does is that it takes state transport corporations out of the disadvantaged lot and puts them in the company of the advantaged lot, leaving the railways behind. The dual-price regime must be removed. If there is a subsidy on diesel, it doesn't make sense to exclude the railways. The logic of subsidised fuel for state transport corporations works for the railways too: both provide a public service, often to the disadvantaged sections. Ideally, diesel subsidy ought to be removed for all categories of consumers.
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