It is being said the Taliban are projecting a reformed image of itself. How do you see the new Taliban government in terms of attitudes towards women, minorities, ethnic groups, human rights, etc.?
Well, it’s early days yet. All we have to reckon on are a couple of press conferences given by Taliban Spokesman Zabihullah Mujahid. The Taliban seem to be making the right assurances. They are predominantly a Pashtoon movement. Their roots are in rural Afghanistan and they hail from madrasas. So, they tend towards a conservative approach compared to urban elites and some other ethnicities. The outside world has little choice but to give them a chance.
Who will be the person in charge of the Taliban government?
Well, the Taliban Amir — leader — is Mullah Haibat-Ullah Akhundzada, who has not been seen or heard of since the Taliban took over. He is a scholarly figure, not a soldier and not an active politician but more a jurist. Some reports have indicated he may be in custody in Pakistan. But he may just be lying low. The other prominent figure in the Taliban hierarchy is Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar. He was released from custody in Pakistan in 2018, at the request of the United States, so that he could play a part in the peace process that was ongoing in Qatar. Baradar seems to be currently in Kabul, discussing the future government with other players. I would envisage Baradar being head of a ruling council — shura — in Kabul, with Mullah Haibat-Ullah Akhundzada — should he re-emerge on the Afghan political scene, remaining as a sort of spiritual, Mullah Omar-type figure in Kandahar. The reclusive persona that Akhundzada has cultivated over the years would seem to make him suitable for such a role. Both Baradar and Akhundzada are founding members of the 1994 Kandahar Taliban, so they have deep-rooted legitimacy within the movement.
Do you think the current situation truly represents the voice of Talibani commanders and administrators on the ground?
Well, the picture that is being presented in the media does not have anything to do with the situation on the ground. So far, the media has been concentrating on Kabul airport. An unrealistic situation has prevailed there, with people fleeing from some imaginary threat. Or else they are just making the most of a golden opportunity to flee to the West. In Afghanistan, one learns not to believe anything until one has seen it with one’s own eyes.
I think David Miliband is better-qualified to answer that question than me, which he did in an article in The Guardian. Withholding funds from Afghanistan and making Afghans suffer as a result, while airlifting thousands to a more comfortable life in the West, are just not fair.
This country is unstable although its precious mineral reserves remain a gripping attraction, so who is going to dominate?
Russia and China are making overtures to the Taliban. Russia has kept its embassy open. So have China, Iran, and Turkey. India has been one of the main donors to the former Afghan government, but the country has decided to take its diplomatic staff out of Afghanistan, despite Taliban assurances of full protection to their embassy. I hope India does not give up on the country. There is far more goodwill towards India from across the board in Afghanistan.
How will they deal with sanctions of the UN Security Council?
It is bizarre. Afghanistan is going through drought. There is a humanitarian crisis there. And the country has to deal with sanctions also. On the one hand, Western powers want to save Afghans who want to flee the Taliban. On the other hand, they want to make Afghans still in Afghanistan suffer with sanctions. As Miliband says, the outside world should engage with the Taliban. Ostracising it did not work last time. It won’t work this time either.
Your advocacy of a peaceful Islam has set you on a collision course with extremists in the area, so how do you see your journey in Afghanistan and what you have become in this course?
While being aware of the dangers of Afghanistan once again becoming a safe haven for extremists, I prefer to look at things the other way. Now, there is an opportunity to put the demon of violent extremism to bed forever. If an indisputably Islamic government like the Taliban takes a stand on this and says no to violent extremism, it will be difficult for anyone to contravene their position.
One subscription. Two world-class reads.
Already subscribed? Log in
Subscribe to read the full story →
Smart Quarterly
₹900
3 Months
₹300/Month
Smart Essential
₹2,700
1 Year
₹225/Month
Super Saver
₹3,900
2 Years
₹162/Month
Renews automatically, cancel anytime
Here’s what’s included in our digital subscription plans
Exclusive premium stories online
Over 30 premium stories daily, handpicked by our editors


Complimentary Access to The New York Times
News, Games, Cooking, Audio, Wirecutter & The Athletic
Business Standard Epaper
Digital replica of our daily newspaper — with options to read, save, and share


Curated Newsletters
Insights on markets, finance, politics, tech, and more delivered to your inbox
Market Analysis & Investment Insights
In-depth market analysis & insights with access to The Smart Investor


Archives
Repository of articles and publications dating back to 1997
Ad-free Reading
Uninterrupted reading experience with no advertisements


Seamless Access Across All Devices
Access Business Standard across devices — mobile, tablet, or PC, via web or app
)