There’s no doubt if oratorical skills and electoral appeal are the criteria of judgement, Mr. Modi is a very gifted politician. He has no match in contemporary India. But the responsibilities of a Prime Minister extend beyond the political dimension. There are critical times when the head of government needs to take a stand on important, often disturbing, issues so the nation can rally around his position. It’s this moral task that Mr. Modi has frequently ignored.
When India is shaken by the murder of a Gauri Lankesh or the lynching of a Junaid Khan or attacks on Dalits or crude and distasteful comments by people he follows on social media it’s not acceptable for the Prime Minister to remain silent. These are moments when he must speak out. If he doesn’t it suggests either he doesn’t care or, worse, doesn’t disagree with what’s happening.
The argument the Prime Minister doesn’t have to comment on every event is both facetious and foolish. When injustice happens he needs to speak out every single time. And if it keeps repeating itself — as has often been the case — his comments need to reflect his growing concern.
It’s this wider dimension of leadership that Mr. Modi has not fulfiled and, unfortunately, deliberately. This is why so many people have reservations about him. Yet his silence affects more than his image. It allows a vicious and divisive mood to develop and threaten our country. No Prime Minister should let this happen, at least not without struggling to reverse it.
For Rahul Gandhi the lesson he needs to learn is, in a sense, underlined by the Gujarat result. It will be a long and arduous road back to power and there will be few encouraging signs on the way. Indeed, there could also be early setbacks. Yet the only hope of success lies in dogged and determined persistence.
Does he have this in him? Before the Gujarat campaign the answer would probably have been no. But now the Gujarat result must neither discourage him nor prove a flash in the pan.
In Tagore’s memorable phrase, only “tireless striving” can lead the Congress back to power. This means working to restore the party’s organisation, crafting a political image that is different to the BJP’s but appealing to the nation and, most of all, convincing his countrymen that he has the qualities to be prime minister.
Of course, success, when it comes, will change the way we perceive him but, first, he must convince us he has worked hard to understand this country and its needs and deserves our votes. There is no shortcut and he must not look for one.
Finally, I would say the greatest threat to our democratic system is the way our Election Commissioners are chosen. The controversies that have beset the Commission in 2017 cannot be allowed to continue leave aside proliferate. This means the Commissioners must not only behave impartially but also be thought to be above political connections. This can only happen if they are chosen by a collegium comprising the government and the opposition. The choice cannot be left in the gift of the Prime Minister alone.
Of the three measures I’m advocating this ought to be the most readily acceptable. If the CVC, CIC and even the head of the CBI are chosen by the political system collectively it simply makes no sense that the most crucial of all posts should be solely the government’s prerogative.
It won’t be easy for any government to forego the power of appointing Election Commissioners but I would admire Mr. Modi if he has the courage and wisdom to do this.
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