That the petroleum ministry failed to foresee this situation is quite in keeping with its completely haphazard and problematic approach to pricing KG gas. Various aspects have been the source of problems: the original production-sharing contract itself, which was open to exploitation by the producer; the inability of the government to independently determine the exact quantity of gas in the fields; and the questionable gas pricing formula suggested by the Rangarajan committee on pricing, which links the well-head price of domestically produced gas to the spot price of gas in some of the world's most expensive markets. It is this price that RIL hopes to receive now after the Cabinet has agreed to accept a bank guarantee to cover its liability; whether the bank guarantee is large enough is open to question, too.
Given the problems that the hasty acceptance of a flawed formula has caused, the government must reconsider its approach. Instead of working to determine whether Reliance is accurate in its claims that there is considerably less gas in the D1 and D3 fields of its blocks than it earlier estimated - an effort that is, clearly, beyond the government's capabilities or its willingness - it should use basic economic incentives. Here's what it should do: it should ensure that all gas that's produced from D1 and D3 is sold at the old price, of $4.2 per million metric British thermal units, instead of the higher price of around $8.4 per mmBtu. If it is indeed the case that there is not much gas in the D1 and D3 fields, RIL can benefit from the higher price as a result of new discoveries elsewhere in the block. If it is the case, however, that the government is right and there is more gas than RIL claims, then Reliance - and BP and Niko - will not benefit from any hoarding. This is one way to recover the situation, to correct past mismanagement, and answer political accusations of cronyism and corruption.
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