By all accounts, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Israel has been a success.The optics were filled with bonhomie and promises of everlasting friendship and did justice to the first-ever visit by an Indian prime minister to Israel. Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli prime minister, hugged Mr Modi, called him a "kindred spirit", greeted him in Hindi -- "Aapka swagat hai, mere dost" (I welcome you, my friend) -- claimed that the partnership betweeen the two nations was a “marriage made in heaven”, and said that the Israelis had been waiting for this moment for almost 70 years. Israeli President Reuven Rivlin broke protocol to receive Mr Modi, and the Israeli agriculture minister named a new strain of white chrysanthemum after the Indian prime minister. Mr Modi looked predictably chuffed and was equally generous in his praise for his hosts. “India admires the success of your people in overcoming adversity to… flourish against all odds,” said Mr Modi. By the time the joint statement was framed, it was clear that these phrases were not mere pleasantries: The two leaders had decided to raise bilateral ties to a strategic partnership.
Giving shape to this partnership were seven pacts signed between the two governments. Chief among them was a $40-million India-Israel Industrial R&D and Innovation Fund (I4F), equally funded by the two governments, which will enable enterprises from the two countries to undertake joint research and develop innovative technologies and products. Two other crucial memoranda of understanding (MoUs) were expected to leverage Israeli expertise for water conservation and water utility reforms in India. Other MoUs covered diverse concerns such as improvements in agriculture and space technology. Apart from these pacts, the two governments underscored the need for coming together on non-government platforms as well. The India-Israel Chief Executive Officers’ Forum, which finalised about a dozen strategic MoUs among companies in the two countries, was also tasked with recommending measures for realising the potential of bilateral trade and investment. Similarly, the India-Israel Joint Committee on Science and Technology will explore the possibility of further collaboration, especially in cutting-edge fields such as big data analytics in health care. In defence, where Israel is already the third biggest supplier of arms to India after Russia and the US, the joint statement stressed the possible joint development of defence products in the future, “with a special emphasis on the Make in India initiative”.
What was conspicuous by its absence in the joint statement, though, was the mention of the term “cross-border terrorism”. However, Mr Modi laid stress on the similarities between India and Israel as “victims of violence and hatred spread by terror”. There was a consensus in the statement that terror could not be justified on any grounds whatsoever. In sum, in terms of signalling, the bold articulation of mutual trust, admiration and future collaboration was as clear a break as possible from the past, when top Indian leaders saw ties with Israel in conjunction with India’s relations with the Palestinian leadership as well as the Israeli and Palestinian peace process. The fact that Mr Modi did not stop at Ramallah, the headquarters of the Palestinian Authority, further underlined this de-hyphenation. West Asia is experiencing both political and social turbulence at present and yet India has vital human and material stakes in the region. Pursuing a pragmatic foreign policy is India’s best course of action and this opening up of ties with Israel is a step in that direction.