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India's strategic autonomy needs military power, say experts at BS Manthan

Strategic autonomy requires strong military capability, domestic defence industry and rapid technology adoption as global power rivalries reshape security and trade dynamics, experts said

Senior military leaders, diplomats and industry executives at the Business Standard Manthan conclave in New Delhi
Senior military leaders, diplomats and industry executives at the Business Standard Manthan conclave in New Delhi
Abhijeet Kumar New Delhi
4 min read Last Updated : Feb 25 2026 | 5:37 PM IST
India’s ability to maintain its strategic autonomy will depend on its military capability, defence industrial base and technological self-reliance, senior military leaders, diplomats and industry executives said at the Business Standard Manthan conclave in New Delhi on Wednesday.
 
Ambassador Sujan Chinoy, director general, Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, said strategic autonomy fundamentally means “independence of decision making,” especially in a world where “trade and technology are being weaponised.”
 
Lieutenant General Deependra Singh Hooda (retd), distinguished fellow, Delhi Policy Group, said autonomy cannot exist without power. “Strategic autonomy is a function of power,” he said, adding that countries must be able to “resist coercion by great powers,” which requires military strength.
 
Rajinder Singh Bhatia, chairman, Kalyani Strategic Systems Ltd, said autonomy also requires economic strength and a strong military-industrial complex, alongside rapid technological progress.
 
What does strategic autonomy mean in today’s global order? 
Chinoy traced India’s strategic autonomy to its historical roots, including Mahatma Gandhi’s belief that India should never enter military alliances based on imperial interests and must retain independence in global decision-making.
 
After independence, India under Jawaharlal Nehru avoided alignment with Cold War blocs, attempting to stay away from great power politics. However, Chinoy said India adopted “issue-based alignment” when necessary, such as signing the treaty of peace, friendship and cooperation with the Soviet Union in 1971 when the United States sent the USS Enterprise into the Bay of Bengal.
 
He said strategic autonomy has often been constrained by external pressures, citing India’s experience at the United Nations after the Kashmir conflict in 1948, when major powers reshaped the agenda to focus on the broader India-Pakistan dispute.
 
However, he said autonomy also depends on domestic capability. “There is no strategic autonomy worth the name unless you have the freedom of choice during wars,” Chinoy said.
 
Military power’s importance for strategic autonomy 
Hooda said military power remains the most consequential form of power in international politics. While economic strength is essential, he said, “it’s military power that, as I said, is the most consequential form of power.”
 
He cited Japan and Germany, which were among the world’s largest economies but were not considered great powers because they lacked independent military capability and relied on alliances for security.
 
Today, India ranks among the top three or four militaries globally, he said, highlighting its experience in high-altitude warfare, strong maritime capability in the Indian Ocean, and nuclear deterrence. Nuclear capability ensures India cannot be subjected to “nuclear blackmail,” he said.
 
However, he cautioned that India must ensure the military gap with China does not widen and stressed the importance of building a strong defence industrial base, noting that India has remained the world’s largest arms importer over the past decade.
 
What gaps exist in India’s defence technology? 
Chinoy said India has made progress in building indigenous platforms such as aircraft carriers, combat aircraft and tanks, but propulsion systems remain a weak point. With around 270 Tejas Light Combat Aircraft expected to be operational over the coming decades, he said propulsion technology still “leaves a lot to be desired.”
 
Bhatia said India must expand its defence industrial base significantly. With global defence spending at $2.5 trillion and India spending about $80 billion, India accounts for about 3 per cent of global defence expenditure. By 2047, he said, India’s defence industrial complex will need to be seven to eight times larger.
 
He also flagged structural issues, including outdated classification of research and development and slow acquisition cycles. “If the acquisition cycle is longer than the developmental cycle, you are actually acquiring outdated equipment,” he said.
 
Are India’s armed forces future-ready? 
Hooda said the armed forces are progressing but technology adoption could have been faster. He noted that the push for drones and unmanned systems has accelerated recently, particularly after Operation Sindoor.
 
He said technology adoption must be accompanied by appropriate organisational structures and strategies, including cyber strategy and data systems, to fully utilise technologies such as artificial intelligence.
 
Bhatia said India now has technology roadmaps but greater coordination is needed between industry, startups, universities and government agencies. “All these silos need to work as a cohesive team to do innovation,” he said.
 
He added that India cannot continue to rely on imports and must strengthen exports while accelerating innovation in disruptive technologies to ensure long-term strategic autonomy.
 

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Topics :BS Manthandefence sectormilitaryNational Security

First Published: Feb 25 2026 | 5:36 PM IST

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