The generation that could light the political fuse in Bihar's old order

Restless, connected, and politically aware, the state GenZ may be the spark in a volatile election. Arushi Bhaskar tracks their growing clout and unpredictable choices

Consider these images: full-page advertisements by the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government in Bihar touting itself as a hitaishi (benefactor) of the state’s youth; political strategist-turned-politician Prashant Kishor announcing a fast-unto-death in support of protesting Bihar Public Service Commission (BPSC) candidates earlier this year; and, just weeks before the Assembly elections, Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi posting this message across his social media accounts: “The country’s youth, its students, its GenZ — they will save the Constitution, protect democracy, and stop vote chori. I will always stand with them.”

   

At 32.5 per cent, Bihar has the highest proportion of GenZ in India. The state also shares a 726-kilometre border with Nepal, which this month saw a regime change driven by GenZ–led protests against corruption. Meanwhile, Bihar’s youth has known only two political constants: Nitish Kumar in the state and Narendra Modi at the Centre. This is a voting bloc that could decisively shape the outcome — and every major political player knows it. 

   

State perks vs growing frustration

   

In a bid to counter anti-incumbency, the Nitish government has been rolling out a steady stream of inducements. The youth hasn’t been left out: on September 18, the chief minister (CM) announced financial assistance of ₹1,000 per month to unemployed graduates for two years. He also promised 10 million jobs over the next five years, along with interest-free education loans for students completing Class XII in Bihar.

   

Dr Sanjay Kumar, JD (U) spokesperson, said: “We will be setting up ‘Entrepreneurship Centres’ in every district, and holding two job fairs annually in each district. We will also ensure the presence of trained career counsellors in schools, and will set up Centres of Excellence in fields like AI and agri-tech to power new-age skills in colleges. This is not just about jobs — it’s about dignity, skills, and a clear pathway from classroom to career, everything in Bihar.”

   

But these promises may not be enough.

   

Earlier this year, protesters camped out in Patna for weeks over irregularities in the BPSC exam. They were joined by Kishor and former deputy CM and Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) leader Tejashwi Yadav.

   

Bihar also faces a 14 per cent unemployment rate among those aged 15-29 — the GenZ cohort — and has the country’s lowest per capita income (₹60,180 in 2023-24).

   

The big question remains: can economic frustration and aspirations override caste loyalties — the bedrock of Bihar politics?

   

Aspirations colliding with anti-incumbency

   

Ankit Lal, veteran political strategist and author, believes Bihar’s youth became more aspirational after the Covid-19 pandemic, thanks to platforms like TikTok (now banned) and Instagram.

   

“These platforms exposed them to possibilities they hadn’t seen before,” he said. “People like Tejashwi and Kishor are tapping into their anger. The government is trying to harness their aspirations, and Modi’s appeal. But there’s a sense of hopelessness with the political establishment, and when people feel hopeless, they look elsewhere. I can see a lot of Independents winning this time.”

   

A source in Kishor’s Jan Suraaj Party (JSP) agreed, calling social media “an enabler of anti-incumbency”.

 

“Bihar’s youth can see where the state stands compared to Chennai, Hyderabad, or Bengaluru. They’ll keep that in mind when they vote,” he said.

   

While the JSP claims it isn’t chasing votes through caste, the RJD has been highlighting Kishor’s Brahmin identity. Lal noted that some Brahmin youth, alienated from the NDA, are drifting towards the JSP — partly because this is the first time in decades that someone from their community has gained political prominence.

   

A Congress leader said Kishor and the JSP could “disrupt the game”, but added that it’s too early to tell.

   

Lal cautioned that while the BPSC protests matter, they won’t be the only issue. “When these youngsters actually vote, local factors kick in like family loyalties, community affiliations, and neighbourhood sentiment,” he said.

   

Robbin Sharma, cofounder of ShowTime Consulting, a political consultancy firm, added: “GenZ is hard to please. It’s college students, job seekers, and fresh workers… They live online and know their power. Look at Bangladesh and Nepal — if they hit the streets, they can topple regimes.”

   

Courting the first-time voter

   

At 27, Shambhavi Choudhary — Samastipur Member of Parliament and Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) leader — is among the youngest in the Lok Sabha. She says mobilising young voters is a core NDA goal. “Young voters are with the NDA, no doubt. If we get 80-90 per cent turnout from them, it’ll only help us,” she said.

   

The Opposition, meanwhile, is banking on a tidal wave of anti-incumbency. According to a Congress survey, GenZ’s affinity for Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is weaker than that of older voters.

   

“Gen Z has grown up under Modi; they don’t have the same veneration or pyaar (love) towards him,” a Congress source said. “That doesn’t mean they’re automatically pro-Congress, but that’s where we are.”

   

RJD national spokesperson Priyanka Bharti is confident anti-incumbency will work in her party’s favour.

 

“The youth don't want to leave Bihar,” she said, referring to the palayan (migration) issue. “BJP and NDA can’t talk about jobs or the economy, so they’re spinning faltu (useless) narratives like ghuspaithiya (infiltrators).”

   

Social media, the new political arena

   

Over the past decade, social media has become an inescapable part of political campaigns and image-building exercises for politicians.

   

Lal said social media penetration in urban Bihar is around 60 per cent, and 45-50 per cent in rural areas. Every party uses it, but strategies vary because of algorithmic biases and “echo chambers”. “Congress has improved since Bharat Jodo Yatra; its local cadres have more energy. But BJP still dominates WhatsApp. Congress has caught up on Instagram and YouTube, but WhatsApp is their weak spot,” he explained.

   

Sharma said Instagram and YouTube have now overtaken Facebook in political strategy. “I catch the youth on Instagram, and the masses on YouTube,” he said.

   

Choudhary views social media primarily as an information tool: “People will vote based on development, connection with their representative, and caste. Social media shapes how the outside world sees us,” she said.

   

Congress has also leaned on social media to counter alleged vote chori during the recent Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls. “We defanged SIR. Vote chori resonates with young people by default because it’s about their rights being encroached upon. Just telling the truth — whether on the ground or social media — gets us a favourable response,” a party source said.

   

Rahul’s preference for speaking with regional YouTubers and independent content creators has also paid off. “GenZ trusts them more than television news. And no, the ‘thirst trap’ reels weren’t an explicit push from the party or its communications department — they blew up on their own, organically,” the source added.

   

RJD, conspicuously, doesn’t have an information technology cell. “All our reach comes from party well-wishers,” Bharti said, citing a viral reel of Tejashwi dancing with Instagram creators on Patna’s Marine Drive. “It resonated because it was relatable.”

   

The JSP, meanwhile, is banking on migration as its core issue. “We’re working with 10,000 YouTubers to spread our message,” the party source said.