From conflict to caution: Tribals fear new threat as Naxalism fades

Union Home Minister Amit Shah renewed his vow to eradicate Naxalism from India by March 31, 2026, declaring on Sunday in Lucknow that the Left-wing extremism (LWE) would soon be a thing of the past. It was not the first time he made such a resolution in the past year, but the setting — an event distributing appointment letters to newly recruited constables — lent it symbolic heft.

 

The Union government’s strategy relies on a combination of improved road and telecom connectivity, financial inclusion, skilling of tribal youth, and intensified security operations in districts affected by LWE. Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) data shows a sharp decline in the number of affected districts: From 126 in 2014 to 90 in 2018, 70 in 2021, 38 in April 2024, and just 18 now.

 

Naxal influence, which once stretched across 11 states, is now largely confined to just three districts, Shah noted.

 

Among those who believe Shah’s optimism may be justified is journalist and author Shubhranshu Choudhary, who has spent two decades working with tribal communities in Chhattisgarh. Choudhary, a former BBC producer who now runs CGNetSwara — a citizen journalism initiative training tribal youth — attributes Naxalism’s decline to betrayals from within. It is, he says, the “Vibhishans” — the turncoats — who have dealt the heaviest blows to the Naxal movement. 

 

The insurgency traces its roots to the 1967 Naxalbari uprising in West Bengal, before spreading through what became known as the ‘Red Corridor’ — accross Bihar (and later Jharkhand), Odisha, Madhya Pradesh (and subsequently Chhattisgarh), and undivided Andhra Pradesh. In the 1980s, its leadership adopted a “rear guard strategy”, retreating into the dense Dandakaranya forest in present-day Chhattisgarh to regroup. There, Maoist leaders from West Bengal and undivided Andhra Pradesh learnt the local Gondi language and helped tribal communities in their skirmishes with forest guards, and traders, who allegedly exploited them.

 

“As a local Muria song goes,” Choudhary recalls, “What is heaven? A forest full of Mahua trees. And what is hell? A forest full of Mahua trees and a forest department guard.”

 

But over time, the contradiction between ideology and hierarchy began to show. While the leadership remained in the hands of upper-caste Bengali- and Telugu-speaking “outsiders”, the fighters — the military dalams — were mostly tribal youth. Peace talks between the government and tribal intermediaries were repeatedly thwarted by Maoist leaders and their ideological backers. As disillusionment deepened, defectors began providing precise intelligence to the authorities. The spread of mobile networks and advances in satellite imagery accelerated this shift.

 

Today, the Central Reserve Police Force and elite CoBRA (Commando Battalion for Resolute Action) units manage logistics and support. But the recent successes, especially high-profile encounters, have been led by the District Reserve Group (DRG), units composed primarily of surrendered Maoists. “From 2015 onwards, I began to sense a shift,” says Choudhary. “The leadership of the Naxal movement arrived in Abujhmad as saviours, but are leaving it as villains.” 

 

The Ministry of Home Affairs credits Operation Black Forest, a major crackdown in 2025, with the killings of 18 top Maoist leaders. These include the general secretary of the outlawed CPI (Maoist), 70-year-old Nambala Keshav Rao alias Basavaraju (killed on May 21), senior leader Bhaskar (June 6), and Narasimha Chalam alias Sudhakar. The government’s approach has been one of “trace, target, and neutralise”.

 

Still, as one battle ends, another looms. If the threat from “Maovadis (Maoists)” is fading, Choudhary warns, the danger now lies with “MoUvadis” — those who might exploit the resource-rich Abujhmad region through corporate or state-backed projects. The forest, spread across 4,000 square kilometres, is larger than Goa and home to communities that have long been at the margins of mainstream development.

 

Activists, including those associated with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), are urging the government to ensure local communities benefit from this wealth, through ventures like Mahua wine production or bamboo-based industries. On Sunday, the Dantewada administration in Chhattisgarh, along with the Mann Deshi Foundation and the Sachin Tendulkar Foundation, launched the “Maidan Cup”, an initiative to build 50 playgrounds in the district to foster a sports culture. Tourism is also being encouraged in the region.

 

But concerns remain. Veteran tribal leader and former Union minister Arvind Netam has raised alarms about coal mining in the Hasdeo forest of Chhattisgarh. Earlier this month, he brought his concerns directly to RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat during a gathering in Nagpur. “The distance between tribal society and the RSS should be reduced,” Netam said. Bhagwat responded: “It is our way to quietly convey the message. You spoke about the government, and your concerns will reach them (the government).” 

Combating Red terror

 

• March 31, 2026: Deadline the government has set for completely wiping out Naxalism
• 126 to 90 in April 2018, 70 in July 2021, and 38 in April 2024: Reduction in the number of Left wing Extremism (LWE)-affected districts
• 330 in 2014 to 104 in 2025: Police stations reporting Naxal incidents
• 18,000 sq km to 4,200 sq km: Reduction in area under Naxal influence
• Over 8,000: Maoists surrendered in the past 10 years, MHA data shows
• 1,936 in 2010 to 374 in 2024: Decline in incidents of LWE violence 
• 1,005 in 2010 to 150 in 2024: Sharp fall in total number of deaths (civilians + security forces)
• 612: Fortified police stations constructed in LWE-affected areas since 2014 (only 66 existed in 2014)