Gupkar Declaration: False narrative creates a 'New Hurriyat' in J&K

The Union government’s Kashmir policy has helped local political forces in J&K crystallise into a critical mass. A new and permanent front has been formed in the Union Territory by the coming together of mainstream political parties of Jammu and Kashmir under the umbrella of the Peoples’ Alliance for Gupkar Declaration. The Alliance has now adopted the flag of the erstwhile state of J&K and vowed not to participate in elections till its special constitutional status is restored. In the words of a Kashmiri leader, a “new Hurriyat” has been born.

It is “new” because unlike the “old” Hurriyat it is free of Pakistan’s influence. It does not seek “independence” or merger with Pakistan. As it was formed specifically to restore the provisions of the Indian Constitution to pre-August 5, 2019, the alliance tacitly owns up to it.

Not only have the two big mainstream parties of J&K not split but they have been joined by four other political parties based on their common demands. They are the Peoples Conference, Communist Party of India (Marxist), Peoples Movement and Awami National Conference. As the recent visit of the alliance delegation to Kargil shows, links are being forged with Ladakh as well.

In a long-term framework. Delhi could reach a political settlement by renegotiating regional autonomy with the new political alliance. After all, if the distribution and sharing of powers can be discussed with armed Naga insurgents, there is no reason to shun non-violent, democratic and constitutional forces. However, the ruling party is more likely not to recognise this political opportunity, given its obsession with a unitary polity and Hindutva nationalism.

Instead, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in Delhi sounds increasingly like North Korean propaganda when it claims that that the people of J&K and Ladakh have welcomed the revocation of the provisions of Article 370, are happier now than ever before and that there is all-round development in the region.

This unreal picture has greater purchase nationally than locally. The BJP is confident that no national political party will attempt to restore the special constitutional provisions for J&K for fear of upsetting now-polarised voters from the majority community. Only the BJP government is in a position to frame a negotiating posture with J&K. This is presented as the restoration of statehood for J&K – minus Ladakh. Union Home Minister Amit Shah says the government is “duty-bound” to restore statehood but refuses to set a deadline.

The Union government is also sure that none of its decisions will be questioned by the national media either. Much of its reporting on J&K is episodic, triggered only by incidents of violence, assassinations, and focused on the role of Pakistan-sponsored terrorist groups. Popular sentiment is rarely reflected in it. And it is growing increasingly alienated. The formation of the Peoples’ Alliance was a result of this pressure and it is reflected in the intransigence of the local media which the Union government is unable to control.

Popular unease has especially developed around the new land laws doing away with the domicile requirement for buying non-agricultural land and easing transfer of agricultural land in J&K. Fears of losing land to outsiders have helped unite the people of Jammu and of Ladakh with residents of the Valley. Although it is out of the ambit of recent legislation, Ladakh has not been given Schedule VI status to protect its land rights and identity.  

Ladakhis fear that the J&K land laws may be replicated for them. This is because the likelihood of outsiders purchasing land in relatively more peaceful Jammu and Ladakh is greater than in the Kashmir Valley. When Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently spoke of setting up a 7.5 Gigawatt solar energy park in Ladakh, instead of celebrating “development”, locals worried that crony capital would walk in to buy large chunks of land to set up the solar park. In the Kashmir Valley itself, individual purchasers may be hesitant to buy land, but there is considerable local apprehension that land will be acquired for Special Economic Zones with full-fledged townships guarded by central forces.

The rough treatment of civil society and media in J&K is also strengthening other poles of resistance.

Any media critical of the government has government advertisments withdrawn, and booted out of government allotted houses or offices. Journalists have also been harassed for taking critical stances either in their writing or on social media. Some journalists have accused others of their profession of remaining criminally silent, while those accused have complained that such accusations make them a target for militants. Fractiousness and unease has consequently grown among local media practitioners.

In order to inhibit the development of any narrative critical of the Centre, the state has also come down heavily on human rights and other civil society organisations. Many of these organisations working in the area of human rights, education, healthcare, and missing persons have been around for long. Had there been any evidence of their receiving foreign funds and diverting them to terrorist activities, they would have been arrested by the intelligence agencies long ago. Now the National Investigative Agency has been deployed to conduct well-publicised raids on their offices. Prima facie, this suggests intimidation by the state. In the long term, if the gentler and more reasonable public voices in J&K are silenced then the public space is likely to be filled only by extremist sentiment. More importantly, such open organisations are crucial in generating the feedback that any democratic state must solicit from society.

By continuing to push a false narrative, the BJP government in Delhi will only worsen the J&K situation. The wound will continue to fester much after the BJP is turfed out of power. If its leaders are sensible, they would leave a mark on history by settling the issue politically. That can only be done through negotiations for redistribution of power with the Centre with the emerging coalition of political and social forces in J&K.