CLAIMING INDIA FROM BELOW
Activism and Democratic Transformation
Vipul Mudgal (Ed)
Routledge; 329 pages; Rs 995
One of this government's first actions after assuming office was to "unfriend" NGOs. Also known as civil society, the regime considered jholawallahs uncivil elements for being at the forefront of the campaign for justice in Gujarat. The credit card bills of some have been almost X-rayed and others have been barred from receiving foreign funds after permission under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act was withdrawn. NGOs and governments have had an uneasy past because regimes favoured these institutions to function as a complementary network of service providers but frowned when they turned to advocacy. Indira Gandhi turned the heat on them by appointing the Kudal commission, which recommended regulatory and punitive measures. But relations have never been as hostile between the two as post-2014. Any institution that demonstrates a mind of its own and interest in programmes that question official policy are branded anti-national.
Against this backdrop, the book under review stands out as an important collection of 18 papers and a nuanced introduction by the editor. Its title is a definitive pointer to its intent and the essays and reports explore various dimensions of a sector that is being wished away. Sans the jargon one fears in publications from stables known for academic releases, the anthology is divided into three sections: Voices from below; alternatives from below and politics from below.
The idea of public policy has gained credence in recent years while discussing democratic institutions and political processes. The issue examined repeatedly remains fundamental - for who is public policy made and by whom? The mai-baap view of the administration, part of India's colonial legacy, led to people not questioning policy framed by those who would be unaffected by it. The primary reason for public policy being alienated from people was that policy makers were unable, to use Harper Lee's classic advice, to stand in the shoes of those for whom policy was being made.
People's representatives - from outside the (party) political system - were often inducted into the process of policy formulation but their self-appointment was questioned. Civil society comprised two distinct groups; one for whom intervention is a career and others for whom it is a form of intervention to work for people through alternate channels because they disagreed with strategies and objectives of political parties. After this regime has taken charge, there is a growing trend to crowd-source policy inputs. As celebrations of Mygov's anniversary demonstrated, this has been done by seeking comments and suggestions from the Internet-savvy elite. This heralds a dangerous trend because there is no accountability in this process and another layer of separation has been created between people and those who list suggestions on their behalf.
Mr Mudgal states that one of the most consistent paradoxes of the Indian democracy is that the stakes of the poor is inversely proportional to the extent of their say in processes. Voting is robust with every successive election yet, the voice of the people is invariably muted once EVMs are tallied. Sanjay Kumar, in his case study of a Delhi slum, provides insight into how Indian voters have broken free of moral qualms and don't necessarily vote for candidates who showered gifts. Data revealed that almost 47 per cent of those queried received some gift or the other from one party or another. But only 19 per cent felt that after accepting the gift, they were morally bound to vote for that candidate. A clear 34 per cent did not think they were bound to vote for the gift-giver and almost half the people had given no thought to the issue. Clearly distribution of gifts does not buy votes. People's power, however, ends on this day and they have no capacity to influence policy and they wait for the next polls to express their opinion. This book explores why it is imperative for them to have a voice and how this can be channeled.
Among the contributors are several established writers who have often argued themes similar to the one they do in this anthology and they include Mihir Shah, Rukmini Banerji and Trilochan Sastry. But fresh voices are the bonanza and they provide new insight from a few areas in the field that are noticed only for negative headline-worthiness - for instance the "Red District" in West Bengal. A paper by Aruna Roy stands out because voices like hers are mainly "heard" rather than "read". It is unfair to discuss any of the papers separately so as not to undervalue others. The volume and its editor begin with the premise that in the present, when many of India's constitutional foundations and institutional structures are under stress and a majoritarian reality can no longer be denied, possibilities still exist for meaningful intervention. Democracies do throw up strong leaders but the areas in which their strengths lie is debatable. This anthology explores both the dark and the bright sides of Indian contemporary reality and makes a strong case to argue that that state is not unfairly oppressive - it is just that, from time to time, those who wield the strings of power are iniquitous.
