If ever a system begged for reform, it would be village India. Reform is a different way of doing things, and not just more or less of something. Abandoning administered prices in favour of market-determined prices is reform, but not increasing or lowering government-controlled prices.
Since the root cause of rural distress is income deficit, enhancing incomes is the key to rural reforms. This does not mean that other concerns — health, education, communication, infrastructure — are not important. It simply asserts the primacy of incomes. Ask anyone to choose from a binary of income versus any of these other development goals and the answer will be invariably income.
Andrew Sheng makes an illuminating distinction between traditional, family and kinship-dominated production arrangements and modern, institution and market-dominated ones. He avers that China made rapid progress towards ushering in the latter, even in individual-managed agriculture plots. This is one of the pillars of China’s phenomenal growth since the 1980s.
Productivity reform is not more inputs for greater output but a judicious use of inputs for maximising output. Indian agriculture today faces challenges of excessive and wasteful dependence on rapidly depleting water resources, a near-monoculture orientation of farmers in the granaries of Punjab and Haryana, a neglect of sturdy coarse cereals (jowar, bajra, ragi), stagnation in oilseeds and pulses, and uneven geographical spread. These are compounded by increasing climate uncertainties, with unforeseen and unpredictable variations in precipitation. These risk factors need to be addressed through technology.
Technology for agriculture is perceived as the classic case of doing more of the same, ever since the Green Revolution four decades ago. There is much talk of a second Green Revolution, but not much has happened. Meanwhile, about the only true reform that has taken root in India is the acceptance of the genetically modified (GM) Bt cotton, despite the presence of strong lobbies and the relatively lukewarm response of the government to begin with, which has turned hostile to GM over time because of presumed environmental concerns.
Affordable infrastructural reforms would include easing in rural silos and conversion of some bulk rail and road carriers to carry agricultural commodities as well. Phasing out gunny bags would not only cut wastage and cost, but would also reduce back-breaking and demeaning drudgery. Rural cleaning and grading centres would make vegetables and fruit travel to urban markets in a better condition even without refrigeration. What works for tomatoes, grapes and apples could work for cauliflowers and oranges as well.
Since the root cause of rural distress is income deficit, enhancing incomes is the key to rural reforms. This does not mean that other concerns — health, education, communication, infrastructure — are not important. It simply asserts the primacy of incomes. Ask anyone to choose from a binary of income versus any of these other development goals and the answer will be invariably income.
Andrew Sheng makes an illuminating distinction between traditional, family and kinship-dominated production arrangements and modern, institution and market-dominated ones. He avers that China made rapid progress towards ushering in the latter, even in individual-managed agriculture plots. This is one of the pillars of China’s phenomenal growth since the 1980s.
Productivity reform is not more inputs for greater output but a judicious use of inputs for maximising output. Indian agriculture today faces challenges of excessive and wasteful dependence on rapidly depleting water resources, a near-monoculture orientation of farmers in the granaries of Punjab and Haryana, a neglect of sturdy coarse cereals (jowar, bajra, ragi), stagnation in oilseeds and pulses, and uneven geographical spread. These are compounded by increasing climate uncertainties, with unforeseen and unpredictable variations in precipitation. These risk factors need to be addressed through technology.
Technology for agriculture is perceived as the classic case of doing more of the same, ever since the Green Revolution four decades ago. There is much talk of a second Green Revolution, but not much has happened. Meanwhile, about the only true reform that has taken root in India is the acceptance of the genetically modified (GM) Bt cotton, despite the presence of strong lobbies and the relatively lukewarm response of the government to begin with, which has turned hostile to GM over time because of presumed environmental concerns.
Affordable infrastructural reforms would include easing in rural silos and conversion of some bulk rail and road carriers to carry agricultural commodities as well. Phasing out gunny bags would not only cut wastage and cost, but would also reduce back-breaking and demeaning drudgery. Rural cleaning and grading centres would make vegetables and fruit travel to urban markets in a better condition even without refrigeration. What works for tomatoes, grapes and apples could work for cauliflowers and oranges as well.
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