This period also witnessed a change in Washington’s goals vis-à-vis its role in the IOR. Now it moved to “crisis response humanitarian relief, multinational joint naval exercises, nation-building, maritime security, promoting US interests abroad etc.” Increasing trade relations between the US and Asian nations also warranted Washington’s “cautious and compelling involvement” in the IOR. Further, the end of the Cold War brought about a shift in the kind of threats for the US at the seas, piracy and terrorism being two most pertinent. These threats have also forced the US to seek a cooperative and collaborative approach.
Thus, there has been a rise in bilateral and multilateral cooperation between the US navy and the navies of other Indian Ocean littoral states such as India, Pakistan and Australia. The US has also been working with the UAE, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Oman, Qatar, Egypt and Jordan, the other littoral states in the Indian Ocean, where it has military bases. The author singles out India as one of the most prominent engagements. “India and the United States have institutionalised cooperation both bilaterally and through multilateral platforms such as the Quad, where the sharing of real-time information and technology is a core metric of operational synergy,” Mr Mishra writes. These efforts aim to uphold a free, open and inclusive regional order— one that resists domination by any single power.”