Last week, the heads of government of the world’s two largest economies, the US and China, had their first summit meeting. The most important item on the agenda was bilateral trade – half the US’ total trade deficit is with China. During the US election campaign, then candidate Donald Trump had promised to brand China as a “currency manipulator” on the day he assumes office — and threatened levy of huge duties on US imports from China. To implement the agenda he had appointed an anti-China economist as the commerce secretary. Could the Summit between the twentieth century’s economic superpower and its likely successor in the twenty first century lead to a trade war? To be sure, the currency manipulation charge was unsustainable: China has been appreciating its currency to bring down its trade surplus for a decade, and has intervened heavily over the last two years to stem the currency’s fall from capital outflows. Also, import duties would have contravened the World Trade Organization (WTO) rules. No wonder, the head of the International Monetary Fund, in a public statement cautioned that global economic recovery could be cut off by the “sword of protectionism” now threatening trade. And a new book by Michael Green, “By more than providence”, about American power in the Asia Pacific since 1783 (when US gained independence), argues that “when new US administrations have failed to make the expansion of trade a central pillar of their strategic approach to Asia, they have invariably lost ground.”
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