Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh makes political comeback: Decoding its history

Bangladesh's top court has reinstated Jamaat-e-Islami, ending a long-standing ban and clearing the way for its participation in elections

Bangladesh’s Supreme Court has reinstated the political registration of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh and its student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir — two organisations long banned for their alleged links to extremism and their open rejection of the country's secular principles.

 

The verdict, which follows an earlier decision by the Muhammad Yunus-led caretaker government to lift the ban, marks Jamaat’s return to the political mainstream after over a decade in the shadows. With this legal clearance, the Islamist party is now eligible to contest national elections — a development being watched closely in India’s strategic and security circles.

 

A return rooted in history

 

Founded in 1941 by Islamist ideologue Abul Ala Maududi in pre-Partition India, Jamaat-e-Islami entered East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) politics with a mission to create an Islamic state governed by Sharia law. Its role in Bangladesh’s Liberation War, however, would etch its name into the nation’s darkest chapters.

 

 

During the 1971 war, Jamaat and its allied militias — most notoriously the Razakars, al-Badr, and al-Shams — collaborated with the Pakistani Army in committing widespread atrocities. These included targeted killings of intellectuals, mass rapes, and the massacre of Hindu minorities.

 

Jamaat's student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir, formed the backbone of the al-Badr militia, tasked with executing Bengali intellectuals in the final days of the war. 

 

Following Bangladesh’s independence, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s government banned Jamaat under Article 38 of the new Constitution for its religious foundations and wartime role. The party’s leadership either fled or went underground.

 

However, the ban was lifted after Sheikh Mujib's assassination. In 1977, President Ziaur Rahman’s military regime removed secularism from Bangladesh's Constitution and allowed religion-based political parties to function. Jamaat re-emerged and aligned with the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), eventually securing ministerial posts in BNP-led governments.

 

Decades later, the War Crimes Tribunal launched in 2009 by the government of Sheikh Hasina - daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman - led to the conviction of top Jamaat leaders. Ghulam Azam, Motiur Rahman Nizami, and Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojaheed were convicted for genocide, rape, and crimes against humanity. These convictions triggered mass protests, known as the Shahbagh movement, demanding the party's permanent exclusion from politics.

 

Jamaat was formally deregistered in 2013 and designated a terrorist organisation under the Anti-Terrorism Act on August 1, 2024. The ban, however, was short-lived and was lifted on August 28 the same year by the interim government led by Muhammad Yunus. 

 

A return fuelled by a political vacuum

 

Jamaat’s resurgence is not happening in isolation. It follows months of political turmoil in Bangladesh, sparked by anti-quota protests that quickly evolved into a nationwide anti-government movement in 2024. The unrest left more than 400 people dead and forced Sheikh Hasina into self-imposed exile. Her party, the Awami League, has since been banned.

 

The void has been filled — swiftly and deliberately — by Islamist factions. Jamaat and Islami Chhatra Shibir are believed to have played a pivotal role in mobilising student protests. According to an India Today report, “Islami Chhatra Shibir cadres were admitted to many universities in Bangladesh from where they instigated students against the government.”

 

With the Awami League out of the frame, the caretaker administration under Muhammad Yunus has moved to mainstream Jamaat — a party it sees as both ideologically aligned and politically useful. Observers say this is less a case of national reconciliation and more an effort to consolidate power in a fragmented landscape. 

 

Concerns in India

 

For New Delhi, Jamaat’s re-entry into Bangladeshi politics is far from a procedural change in a neighbouring country. It represents a potential strategic reversal.

 

India had long viewed the Hasina-led government as a dependable partner — on issues ranging from counterterrorism and intelligence sharing to border stability and regional trade. Jamaat’s ideological leanings, its pro-Pakistan posture, and its history of minority persecution place it at direct odds with India’s security interests.

 

The concern is twofold. First, the 4,000-km border between the two countries — particularly in West Bengal and Assam — has a history of porous movement, infiltration, and communal tension. Second, security agencies fear that Jamaat’s return could renew radicalisation networks, create safe passage for militants, and embolden attacks on Bangladesh’s Hindu community — potentially triggering refugee flows into India.

 

Recent developments have only sharpened those fears. Muhammad Yunus has called for “stronger ties with Pakistan", a statement that — coupled with Jamaat’s revival — points to a possible realignment away from India and toward powers like Islamabad and Ankara. 

 

Jamaat’s global web

 

Jamaat-e-Islami’s influence is not confined to Bangladesh. In Pakistan, it continues to exert influence through its student wing, Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba, and also maintains ideological linkages with groups such as Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood.

 

In the West, Jamaat has built soft-power networks through the diaspora. In the UK and US, the group operates through religious and cultural organisations, and has been known to lobby policymakers under the banner of minority rights and democratic inclusion.

 

Washington has often pressured Dhaka to include Jamaat in the democratic process, viewing the ban as undemocratic — a position that sits uncomfortably with India, given the party’s history.

 

More recently, Jamaat attracted headlines for proposing an “independent Rohingya state” during meetings in Dhaka with a Chinese Communist Party delegation. While largely symbolic, the statement adds to the region’s growing instability, especially as armed groups like the Arakan Army gain control in Myanmar’s border areas.

 

(With agency inputs)