Modernising our society through education, skills and inter-caste marriages

Persistent caste inequality, limited inter-caste mobility and unequal access to quality education and jobs continue to slow India's social modernisation despite decades of economic growth

Modernising our economy and modernising our society are connected but not proceeding at the same pace. While the economy has experienced robust growth for four decades, the persistence of caste-based discrimination and isolation, and poor employment opportunities for low-income citizens are slowing the modernisation of society. The deepest root of social inequality in India is the hierarchy of caste and even religion.

 

Our traditional society involved a hierarchy between castes; a social separation reflected in within-caste endogamy and a division of labour according to caste-based occupations. In a way it got formalised during British rule, with the inclusion of several thousand castes in the Census formulation and the judicial enforcement of within-caste marriage under Hindu law. Inter-caste marriage was possible only by renouncing Hinduism. What is most damaging is the placing of the Dalits and Adivasis, who constitute about 25 per cent of our population, at the bottom of the caste hierarchy

 

The rejection of untouchability, the worst part of social inequality, became a part of the freedom movement. Even the elimination of the age-old ban on inter-caste marriage under Hindu law was proposed by Vithalbhai Patel in a Bill placed in the Imperial Legislative Council. The Bill was not passed, though the Arya Samaj Bill for inter-caste marriages being permitted among their members was passed. In fact, the modernisation of marriage laws came fully only with the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955.

 

The social separation and within-caste endogamy continue. Most surveys over the decade beginning 2010 show that only 5-6 per cent of marriages are inter-caste. Hence the vast majority of marriages, and by implication families, remain within the inherited caste. The Dr Ambedkar Scheme for Social Integration through Inter-Caste Marriages to promote marriages between Scheduled and Non-Scheduled Castes has had a very limited impact. This continuing dominance of within-caste marriages is an indication that social separation is still prevalent.

 

The inter-caste marriages that we see now are largely a product of social connectivity. They are mainly among non-Scheduled Castes, mainly, the top three castes. The basis for this social connectivity is the growing equality of economic status and activity among these upper castes. The integration of Scheduled Castes into the socially connected castes will depend on the economic status of the Scheduled Castes and even the Adivasis rising to that of the upper castes. That is why the principal instrument for social development is education and employment for Scheduled Castes and Adivasis, which would raise their work and economic status closer to the upper-caste level.

 

The occupation-based separation between castes has now been reduced but not eliminated. For instance, we continue to see a prevalence of Scheduled Castes for such work as manual scavenging, waste disposal, handling of dead bodies in crematoria. The Adivasis, by and large, remain isolated from the mainstream of the economy.

 

The key substantive challenge is to eliminate the adverse treatment of Dalits and Adivasis outside the caste hierarchy and considered the lowest of all. This is required by our constitutional provisions. However, at the social and political level, discrimination continues with the many reported attacks on Dalits and the isolation of Adivasis from mainstream politics.

 

The shortfall in the equalisation of Dalits and Adivasis with the middle and upper castes is manifest in the distribution of income and wealth across caste groups. The Household Consumption Expenditure Survey, 2022-23, shows that Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (SC/ST) monthly consumption is 7 per cent to 20 per cent lower than the national average. A study by Azim Premji University shows that the income earned by SC/ST relative to others is about 10 per cent lower for casual workers, 24 per cent lower for regular workers, and 28 per cent lower for self-employed workers.

 

The distribution of employment among castes shows some key differences. In the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) 23-24. The percentage of Adivasis with regular wages/salaries is 12.6 per cent, of Scheduled Castes 20.6 per cent, of other backward classes 20.2 per cent, while that of the remaining higher classes is around 30.3 per cent. The PLFS data also includes those who are employed as helpers in household enterprises and this, possibly unpaid work, accounts for 29.7 per cent of employment of Adivasis.

 

The main goal of the modernisation of our society should be the elimination of persistent caste inequalities rooted in India’s economic system, along with a truly vigorous implementation of the constitutional provisions we have on equality irrespective of caste or religion.

 

In my view, the most crucial need is for the equalisation of access to quality jobs and support for startups. The key lies in access to quality higher education, as lower-caste individuals and Adivasis with higher education show significantly lower disparity. Given the persistence of caste hierarchy in the minds of upper-caste individuals who still dominate senior bureaucratic and management jobs, a measure of caste-linked reservations may still be required for this purpose, for a defined length of time.

 

Caste discrimination in universities has been a major issue in recent years. The suicide of Rohith Vemula, a PhD student whose final words were — “my birth is my fatal accident” — and Payal Tadvi, a medical student, led to a plea by their mothers and the emergence of a recent University Grants Commission regulation on the implementation of strict anti-discrimination measures across Indian campuses.

 

A broader issue for social policy and development is the informal nature of employment in India. According to PLFS 23-24, only  21.7 per cent of workers have a regular wage/salary, while 19.8 per cent are casual labourers, and 19.4 per cent are helpers in household enterprises with little or no worker rights recognised. In fact, even among regular wage/salary employees, 58 per cent have no job contract, 47.3 per cent are not eligible for paid leave, and 53.4 per cent are not eligible for any special social security benefit. We have to correct this gross shortfall in worker’s rights in the job creation that will come in our drive to become a developed economy by 2047.

 

Note also that better education, skill development and job creation are not just welfare measures. By including many more workers in formal employment and entrepreneurs in investment growth, this dimension of social development will also expedite growth. However, the main driver of moves to reduce and eliminate caste-based or religion-based prejudices must be the modernisation of our society. The primary approach must be a substantial improvement in access for the socially and economically underprivileged to higher-quality education, skill development, and support for startups. But the more complete modernisation of our society will come when these developments increase inter-caste marriages, which are the key to social equality in India. 

desaind@icloud.com