The Election Commission of India has announced the schedule for the general elections. It will be a long campaign and a long election; there will be nine poll days starting from April 7, with counting of votes taking place only on May 16. The routine nature of elections in India disguises, almost, the scale of the achievement. It is not only remarkable that they are mostly glitch-free and secure, but that they are expected to be so. An orderly expression of democratic principles, in which both the Opposition and the government can believe, is a fine example of institutional strength, of the sort that is rare in India. The Election Commission should again be commended for its continual efforts to improve the process. This election will also feature a record number of new voters, which is a demonstration of the Commission's commitment to updating the electoral rolls and ensuring that as many people as possible have the opportunity to exercise their franchise.
As the campaign season has now started, this means that the model code of conduct has come into operation. In principle, the model code of conduct is an important safeguard. It levels the playing field considerably between an incumbent government and the Opposition. However, it is important to note that it does not constrain all forms of state activity. In particular, given that election seasons are getting longer and longer, there should be no feeling - especially globally - that the Indian government has shut down. The global financial system is far from stable still; the government should be ready, and be seen to be ready, with any countermeasures necessary in case of a sudden development. It is also the case that administrative decisions that become necessary to address routine issues should continue to be taken; the Election Commission must be sensible in its evaluation of such decisions. Some administrative actions, after all, might in fact violate the spirit of the model code of conduct if they are not taken. Consider, for example, the scheduled hike of 50 paise in the price of diesel. If this is not carried out as usual, it could be seen as the United Progressive Alliance government giving in to political compulsions. There are other places, too, where the model code of conduct should be respectful of the normal political process. The Election Commission need not, for example, feel bound to scrutinise every promise made by a politician in a rally of any kind as a possible violation of the code of conduct.
Some recent actions by the Election Commission are particularly deserving of praise. It has, for example, directed political parties that candidates should declare in their affidavits when filing their nominations any "foreign bank accounts, details of investments and all assets and liabilities in foreign countries", held by them, their spouse or their dependents. This is a sensible extension of the current disclosure norms. The latter, although they are often accused of being observed more in the breach than in the observance, have nevertheless been a useful source of information. They are an additional and important weapon against corruption and cronyism. Extending them in this manner will make that weapon more potent.
