Explained: What is caste census, when was it last held and why is it back?

The NDA government gave the green light to conducting the Opposition's long-standing demand of caste census in the upcoming national Census. Here's a look at its history and possible implications

On April 30, the Narendra Modi-led Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA) gave the green light to conducting the Opposition’s long-standing demand of caste census in the upcoming national Census, marking a significant departure from the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) earlier position. The decision comes ahead of the Bihar assembly election and follows last year’s closely contested Lok Sabha election.

 

This move also reopens a complex debate over caste, representation, and social justice in India’s democracy. The timeline for the pan-India Census, originally scheduled for 2021 but delayed due to the Covid-19 pandemic, has still not been announced though. However, the clearance for caste enumeration signals a broader political recalibration.  Watch: Explained: Centre gives nod to caste census; what it really means

 

 

What is the caste census and how is it different from the population census?

 

A caste census refers to the systematic collection of data on the various caste groups in the country, along with their socio-economic indicators, such as income, education, occupation, and living conditions. Unlike the general population census, which only enumerates Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), and religious communities, a Caste Census includes Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and potentially all other caste groups. 

 

 

The intent is to understand the population distribution across castes, their socio-economic status, and how government policies and reservation benefits can be better targeted.

 

When was India’s last caste census held and why did it stop?

 

Caste census was a regular feature under British rule from 1881 to 1931. The last full caste census was conducted in 1931, under the supervision of Census Commissioner J H Hutton. The 1941 Census was disrupted by World War II and its caste data was never published. 

 

After independence, starting with the 1951 Census, caste data was officially dropped. Post-1951, only data related to SCs and STs continued to be collected, leaving out OBCs and others. This was part of an official policy to move away from reinforcing caste identities. However, in 1961, states were permitted to conduct their own surveys to identify OBCs.

 

The Mandal Commission, appointed in 1979, relied on the 1931 caste data to estimate the OBC population at 52 per cent. This figure formed the basis for the 27 per cent reservation for OBCs in education and jobs implemented in 1990.

 

Did the UPA and Congress government conduct a caste census in 2010?

 

During the second term of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA), pressure from Hindi heartland parties like the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Samajwadi Party (SP), and Janata Dal (United) led to the announcement of a Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) in 2010. The UPA-II government initially resisted, with the Home Ministry under P Chidambaram warning that caste enumeration might compromise the accuracy of overall Census data. 

 

Eventually, a Group of Ministers headed by then Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee was set up. After internal disagreements and consultations with political parties, the decision to hold a caste count was taken. The SECC was carried out alongside the 2011 Census, but its caste data was never released.

 

The SECC data cost nearly ₹4,900 crore and was published in 2016, but only the socio-economic findings were made public. The caste data was handed over to the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment. An expert group led by then-NITI Aayog Vice Chairperson Arvind Panagariya was tasked with its classification — a report which remains unreleased.

 

Which Indian states have released their own caste survey data?

 

In the absence of national data, states have taken the lead in conducting Caste Census.

 

Bihar: Released its caste survey in 2023 under the JD(U)-RJD-Congress coalition. The data put OBCs and Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) at over 60 per cent of the state population.

 

Karnataka: The survey, commissioned in 2015 during Siddaramaiah’s first term, was submitted only in February 2025 and approved by his Cabinet in April.

 

Telangana: The Congress government released its Socio-Economic, Educational, Employment, Political, and Caste survey report in February 2024.

 

Why has the BJP reversed its stance on conducting a caste census?

 

The timing of the BJP’s reversal on caste census coincides with the upcoming Bihar Assembly elections, where caste plays a dominant role in politics. Political pundits are of the opinion that by approving caste enumeration, the Modi government aims to neutralise opposition narratives built around social justice.

 

Until recently, BJP leaders had opposed the idea of caste-based enumeration. On July 20, 2021, Minister of State for Home Affairs, Nityanand Rai, told Parliament that the Centre would not count castes other than SCs and STs.

 

Following the April 30 announcement, Union Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw called it a reversal of the Congress policy and blamed the party for not holding a caste census during its long rule.

 

What the British colonial caste census reveals about data and identity

 

The British colonial administration encountered several difficulties with caste enumeration.

 

The 1901 Census under H H Risley adopted the varna hierarchy, sparking protests from caste groups who felt misrepresented.

 

By 1931, J H Hutton used occupation instead of varna to classify caste groups. But even this model struggled with inconsistencies — for example, cultivation was seen as a high-status occupation in northern India but linked with ‘exterior’ castes in the south.

 

Hutton observed that avoiding caste enumeration was not a solution, famously saying it was akin to the ostrich burying its head in the sand.

 

Historian Sekhar Bandyopadhyay has noted that the colonial census often became a means for caste groups to assert or contest their social status, leading to mobilisation and agitations.

 

What could change after India conducts a nationwide caste census?

 

A caste census could set the stage for a re-evaluation of the current reservation framework and welfare policies. The new data may prompt demands for proportional representation in education, jobs, and political seats based on updated population figures. It may trigger court cases and legislative debates over the 50 per cent cap on reservations set by the Supreme Court in Indra Sawhney v. Union of India (1992).

 

Additionally, previous debates have seen demands for sub-quotas within women’s reservation for OBC women, which may resurface.

 

The lack of reliable caste data has long been cited as a hindrance to designing targeted social welfare schemes. But releasing such data also risks sparking caste-based polarisation or renewed demands from dominant groups seeking inclusion in the OBC list, experts caution.

 

The Modi government’s decision to include caste enumeration in the upcoming census marks a watershed moment. While the timeline for the next Census remains uncertain, the approval of caste enumeration sets the stage for a significant transformation in the landscape of Indian social policy and electoral politics.