Omission and commission

The CAG needs to be more transparent

The outgoing Comptroller & Auditor General (CAG) Rajiv Mehrishi’s startling admission that he had not uploaded defence reports on the CAG website is a disturbing example of the confused thinking that informs the administration’s approach to security issues. During his tenure, which began in September 2017, the CAG tabled eight reports in Parliament but did not upload them on the institution’s website. Mr Mehrishi, who divulged this fact in a media interview after he demitted office last Friday, explained that “someone in Washington, someone in Beijing and someone in Islamabad may also be watching” so the idea is not to make these reports easily accessible. This statement reveals either touching faith in the impermeable nature of the Indian establishment or a complete lack of understanding of basic global intelligence-gathering practices. Mr Mehrishi stated that the reports were “not really secret” because they were tabled in Parliament and before the Public Accounts Committee (PAC), the committee of select members constituted by Parliament to audit the government’s revenue and the expenditure. 

Not uploading them, then, was to deprive India’s enemies access to defence information “at the touch of a button”. But this means that the argument against putting reports on the website holds no water because the country’s enemies or foreign agents will still get access to them. The calculation must then be that by not putting them on the website, they inhibit fast dissemination and, therefore, public discussion. For one, this overlooks the very real possibility of leaks to journalists. For another, this outcome does not change if the reports are not going to be made public until the PAC has discussed them and laid them on the table of the House. All it means is further bias against public discussion while foreign agents will continue to have access to them. 

The only conclusion one can arrive at is that this policy is designed to minimise public awareness and discussion of possible government failures. Indeed, Mr Mehrishi referred to a CAG report that was uploaded when he was home secretary (2015-17), and it detailed the shortage of ammunition for the defence forces at a time when tensions with Pakistan were high. If there is shortage, he reasoned, the enemy should not know about it. The fact is that this deficiency has long been common knowledge and is hardly revelatory for any foreign government. 
 

The outgoing CAG stated that the no-upload decision was unilateral. It is worth noting, however, that it is of a piece with a decision to withhold key facts on the pricing details of the 36-aircraft Rafale deal —something that has never been done before. This precluded a transparent understanding of the math that went into its conclusion, that the Modi government’s deal was 2.86 per cent cheaper than the inclusive one negotiated by the United Progressive Alliance (and perhaps nailed Rahul Gandhi’s somewhat absurd calculations). The outlook for the future is not much better when a Gujarat cadre official known to have the prime minister’s confidence is appointed new CAG. The objective, clearly, is to prevent any Vinod Rais emerging from the woodwork. While that is as it may be, the likely outcome is going to be CAG being less of a watchdog than it needs to be.