Job revolution a pillar of our road map for Kerala: Rajeev Chandrasekhar

BJP's Kerala chief outlines poll strategy, targets ldf-udf rule, pushes development agenda, jobs plan and minority outreach while seeking mandate to form government in state

The people of Kerala want change, and only the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) can bring it, says Rajeev Chandrasekhar, president of the BJP’s Kerala unit and candidate for the Nemom Assembly constituency. Amid a hectic campaign schedule, Chandrasekhar spoke to Sundar Sethuraman on a range of issues, including the Left government’s rule over the past 10 years, the National Democratic Alliance’s (NDA’s) expansion in Kerala, and allegations of a quid pro quo between the BJP and the Left. Edited excerpts:

 

Your name was always associated with national politics. How enthused were you when your party asked you to take over as the 13th state president? 

I get enthused by challenges. At almost every stage in my life, I’ve been pushed out of my comfort zone into situations very different from what I was used to. I put in my best effort, and, as they say, there’s pleasure in the chase.

 

When I took over as state president, I knew the next year would be hectic and intense, with high expectations. I thrive under pressure. I wouldn’t say I was either enthused or not enthused. I saw it as an opportunity to test my capacity, and that’s how I approached it.

 

How has the last year been since you took over as BJP president in Kerala? 

I’ve been involved in state politics in Karnataka and was the Puducherry election co-in-charge in 2021. I’ve also worked on elections in Uttar Pradesh, Telangana, and other states. But this is a different kind of responsibility.

 

It is an enormous responsibility to lead the party in a state where it has faced many challenges. The BJP has a legacy here built on sacrifice, and many of our workers have lost their lives to violence. It was certainly outside my comfort zone, but it has been a good experience so far. I hope to round it off with a strong result in the elections.

 

Opposition-ruled states have accused the Centre of being non-cooperative. Kerala has also complained about the denial of funds, pending dues, and borrowing limits. How valid are these concerns? 

It’s a claim that can be made, but it lacks substance. There’s a saying in Hindi: “Naach na jaane aangan tedha” — when someone cannot dance, they blame the courtyard.

 

If a government’s incompetence or flawed policies create financial strain, it is easier to blame someone else than admit to mistakes. The most convenient target is the Government of India. Kerala has had multiple opportunities to substantiate its claims, but it often throws around figures that are quickly contested by the Union finance ministry.

 

I’ve told the chief minister that if he is confident of his facts, he should be willing to debate them publicly. Borrowing limits are not arbitrary; they are governed by the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management framework passed by Parliament to ensure fiscal discipline.

 

In the case of the Wayanad landslides, if funds remain in the State Disaster Relief Fund, additional assistance from the National Disaster Relief Fund cannot be released until those are utilised. These claims appear to be attempts to deflect attention from governance failures.

 

What is the BJP trying to accomplish in this Assembly election? Is the aim to capture power or expand your presence? 

The people of Kerala want change, and only the BJP can bring it. But we can deliver change and development only if we are in government, not with one or two Members of Legislative Assembly (MLAs).

 

The NDA has expanded, with new allies like Twenty20. We are contesting all 140 seats. This is an election we intend to win and form the government.

 

What are your expectations in terms of seats and vote share? 

Two surveys suggest this election is not easy to predict. The question itself is somewhat illogical — if I believe our vision is compelling and benefits every voter, why would I undersell the NDA by predicting 40 or 50 seats?

 

Our surveys show that 68 per cent of Malayalis are dissatisfied with the United Democratic Front and the Left Democratic Front (LDF). About 62 per cent consider Narendra Modi the most trusted or popular leader in Kerala, ahead of Pinarayi Vijayan and others.

 

The BJP’s vote share dropped from 20 per cent in the Lok Sabha (LS) elections to 14.8 per cent in the recent local body polls. What caused this dip? 

It’s not a dip — it’s an increase compared to the 2020 local body elections. Local elections are very different; they are less about parties and more about candidates and hyperlocal issues.

 

We’ve grown across the board and now have representation in areas where we previously had none. The only surprise was a sharp drop in Thrissur, which had contributed to our 20 per cent LS vote share. That was largely due to candidate selection and some local missteps. We expect to correct that in the Assembly elections.

 

You’ve spoken about unemployment in Kerala. What is the BJP’s plan to address it? 

We’ve unveiled a development road map called the Vikasita Keralam model. An investment and job revolution is one of its five pillars.

 

We believe Kerala’s economy should be built around technology and manufacturing, along with agriculture and tourism. These four sectors will drive investment and job creation.

 

You’ve reached out to religious minorities. What has the response been? Has rising prejudice affected the BJP’s prospects? 

There has been sustained propaganda portraying the BJP as communal, which is not true. Since I became president, our effort has been to correct these misconceptions through outreach and open communication.

 

For instance, during the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act issue, church leaders engaged with me over two days. When they remained unconvinced, I requested that the Government of India defer the Bill.

 

With the Muslim community, we are placing facts on record and asking how it benefits them when other parties treat them as vote banks or align with groups like the Social Democratic Party of India and Jamaat-e-Islami. Does that help a liberal or modern Muslim? We believe it does not.

 

Our position is clear: we will protect everyone’s rights but will not support appeasement of one group at the cost of another.

 

How do you assess the Left government’s performance over the past decade? 

I can take you to 20 places in Nemom where poverty remains visible. It is ironic that a party claiming to represent the poor now relies on slick communication and reports to project credibility.

 

Three LDF leaders — two former MLAs and one sitting MLA — have joined us, citing a lack of meaningful progress. That shows the gap between ground reality and the narrative projected through publicity.

 

The same applies to ease of doing business. If a few large businesses are operating in the state, who exactly is being surveyed? And do businesses feel free to openly criticise the government?

 

But isn’t that the case everywhere? 

I don’t think so. As an entrepreneur, I was never fearful. I challenged governments and even took them to court. It comes down to choice — you either submit or stand up for your principles.

 

Why give more seats to allies like Twenty20? 

Because they are new allies. Twenty20 was not with us in 2021. They may be new to state politics, but we were once greenhorns, too.

 

The Congress alleges a quid pro quo between the BJP and the LDF. Your response? 

We do not decide candidates for our allies. Building an alliance requires give and take.

 

Also, who decides a candidate’s strength? Not journalists or rival parties — the results will. Parties do make mistakes; we acknowledged ours in Thrissur during the local polls. Some decisions work; others don’t.