Guru Ki Kripa Se

In other words, what will be the composition of the BJPs parliamentary party vis-a-vis the RSS-BJP, the non-RSS-BJP and the Johnny-cum-latelys? I am told that, thanks to Khushabhau Thakre, as much as 80 per cent of the winnable tickets have gone to those members of the BJP who, if forced to choose between the BJP and the RSS, will unhesitatingly choose the RSS.

This in turn means a very large parliamentary representation of the RSS viewpoint. More specifically, since the BJP is contesting around 380 seats, about 300 of these are being contested by persons whose first loyalty is to the RSS. Even if only half of them win, it would still give them 150 MPs. By any reckoning, that is a large contingent. Only a damn fool government would be able to ignore them.

 

This is the context in which the swadeshi element of the BJPs manifesto must be seen. This group will push this element relentlessly, which is where the role of S Gurumurthy, joint-convener of the Swadeshi Jagaran Manch (SJM), becomes vital.

If I am not completely mistaken, the brains behind the BJP manifesto are his. You only have to read the paper he presented at a BJP camp at the end of last August to see how closely the economic manifesto tallies with his formulation of swadeshi.

A word about him here. Although I have lost contact with him for several years, I got to know him fairly well during the late 1980s when both of us were working for the Indian Express I as an assistant editor, he as the right-hand man of the proprietor, Ram Nath Goenka. Guru is an utterly brilliant man and a formidable opponent as well as proponent of an idea for he combines his brilliance with an extraordinary capacity for hard work.

It was, for instance, Guru who brought out the various links in the Bofors documents published by The Hindu in 1988, including the one that established the link between the commission to be paid to A E Services and the condition that, for A E Services to earn its commission, the contract would have to be signed by March 31, 1986 which is why it was propelled through the ministries of defence and finance and the PMO in just 24 days, surely an international record of bureaucratic competence. It was Guru, too, who worked out the percentage amount of the commission in the case of Pitco, Moresco etc and linked it to the instalments paid. There is also what he wrote in respect of Reliance.

Getting back to his concept of swadeshi, as spelt out in his presentation last August, it is important probably only to focus on the discussion of globalisation. The following are some of the things he says when he talks of dealing with it the swadeshi way:

n There should be a MITI-like arrangement between government and industry;

n The Indian MITI should draw up global thrust areas;

n Indian companies must form fraternal bodies like the Japanese keiretsu and Korean chaebol;

n Indian industry must be linked to banks as they are in Japan;

n India must build deep and wide non-tariff barriers (to which I might suggest that the BJP manifesto is itself enough of one)

In the same paper, in the section on swadeshi economics, Guru talks of keeping foreign investment out of consumer goods, small-scale industries, agriculture, and the mass-employment sectors like beedis and fishing on the one hand, and banking and insurance on the other. He also says that there has to be a quantum increase in investment in agriculture, especially irrigation and wants to form a land army of five million youth in 10 years. Finally, he wants the small entrepreneur and professionals to be given special treatment.

Since all this is to be found in the BJP manifesto in practically this form, it takes no great cleverness to attribute the manifestos contents to Gurumurthy. Well, to the winner must go the glory. But it would be useful if Gurumurthy were to take into account the fact that there are many intelligent and patriotic people who think that his approach to foreign capital is just plain wrong. These policies will prove counter-productive because the world has changed. Any formulation that does not take this change into account is flawed. Pride in ones culture and tradition is one thing, but to ignore reality doesn't follow from it. It might also help if he were to study the genesis of the Asian crisis. He might then modify his views.

It is important that he modify his views because I have no doubt as to whose will be the driving force behind the finance minister who, on current reckoning, looks like being Mr Jaswant Singh. In his first Budget, at least, (should he get to present it) Gurus swadeshi stamp will be there.

But on balance it might be best if, until he has had time to digest all the different lessons of the Asian crisis, he didnt alter the status quo in respect of policies connected with foreign capital and globalisation. After all, India has waited for 5,000 years for this moment.

Whats one more year then?