Hot Seat For Helmsman

Even before Mr Tung Chee-hwa takes office as the territorys first post-colonial leader, the shipping tycoon has shipping tycoon has been subjected to scrutiny, appraisal and the difficulties of striking a balance between the interest of Hong Kong and the sensitivities of China.

His brief apprenticeship has already curtailed any political honeymoon. But it has also signalled his beliefs, his strengths and his weaknesses ahead of the daunting challenge of steering the territory through the transition. Since the selection by a 400-member committee last December, Mr. Tung has spelled out his conviction that the identity of interests between Hong Kong and China and creat conditions for a successful transition. I am confident and comfortable about Hong Kongs prospects under one country, two systems, he says.

 

His vision for the Hong Kong system is of a strong executive and a proper balance between civil liberties and social order. That balance, he admits, is tilted firmly towards the conservative end of the spectrum. Democratic development is desirable, he believes, but must be pursued at a gradual pace.

In the past five years we have become too politicised as a community. he says. Politics should be a means to an end, not an end to itself. Emphasising the importance of Chinese values - including respect for the elderly and education - he warns of the social hazards of western liberalism, citing civil action in the US in the 1960s as a formative experience. Though Mr Tung underlines the positive aspects of western culture - such as creativity and directness - he is clearly impressed by the Singaporean social model. The whole community has a vision and a clear sense of direction and identity, he says. Lee Kuan-yew, the city statese elder statesman is an idol of his, so is Lady Thatcher.

As in Singapore, business ranks at the top of Mr Tungs priorities. but he plays down prospects of a shift towards a more interventionist stance. In so far as managing economics is concerned, we follow the line, by and large, of non-intervention. Mr Tung says. More support for manufacturing is possible, he says, but not if it requires higher taxes.

It is a message, and a political philosophy, which sits well with Hong Kongs business community. We have full confidence in him, says Mr Henry Tang, Managing Director of Peninsula Kintters and chairman of the Federation of Hong Kong Industries. There are many people in the business community who want more emphasis on strong government and economic issues and not on politics. They feel political struggles have done a lot of damage.

Foreign businessmen are also ready to line up behind Hong Kongs future leader. One banker involved in the 1980s rescue of Orient Overseas, Mr Tungs family firm, recalls the tenacity he displayed during the financial restructuring and his ability to secure the backing of bankers. He was patient, skillful and committed, says the banker.

Opinion polls give him an approval rating of more than 50 per cent from the broader community. Controversies over civil liberties legislation have taken their toll, but his standing has been bolstered recently by the appointment of Mr Andrew Li as chief justice.

Even critics point to his honesty and fairness. He is a nice guy, a man of integrity, says Mr Martin Lee, leader of the Democratic Party. I cannot dream of him taking a bribe, and he means well.

The problems, according to Mr Lee, are the circumstances in which Mr Tung finds himself, and this conservative political convictions. Deng Xiaoping said that when there is a good system, even evil men cannot do evil. But when there is no good system, even good men can not do good, says Mr Lee. Mr Tung has no popular mandate and was appointed by the Chinese. So he always takes Chinas side.

Ms Margaret Ng, an independent legislator, argues that even if Mr Tung was willing to stand up to Beijing, his ability to reflect Hong Kongs aspirations are compromised by his convictions and background. he is out of step with the Hong Kong public, she says. his views on political development are deeply conservative, and like many heads of Chinese family businesses he has an authoritarian style.

According to critics, these weaknesses have already become apparent. Mr Tungs proposals to amend laws on demonstrations and political organisations - motivated in part by his desire to strike a proper balance between civil liberties and social order - prompted an angry reaction from many in Hong Kong. Mr Tung admits that part of his problem in this and other controversial issues has been a failure to get his message across.

That comes down partly to his lack of political experience, although recent appointments and in the handling of controversial issues he has shown a more deft touch.

But Mr Tungs more serious difficulties lie in the legacy of mistrust between Britain and China. He walked into something of aminefield, says one western diplomat. His first instinct was to ensure he had Beijings backing. That might make sense, since he wont get anywhere without it. But is made it hard to present himself as a champion of autonomy.

Mr Tungs task might be easier once the hothouse environment of the transition it able to cool. Installed in his new post, he will also have improved resources to address his challenges. But whether Hong Kongs new leader can keep a steady course, will depend largely on whether China allows him room to manoeuvre.