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Kerala restores the power pendulum: Anti-incumbency drives UDF win

Congress-led UDF sweeps Kerala Assembly polls, ending LDF rule in a landslide verdict, while BJP opens its account with three seats, signalling a gradual expansion

Congress MPs KC Venugopal and Shashi Tharoor with LoP in Kerala Assembly VD Satheesan, in Thiruvananthapuram | Photo: PTI

Congress MPs KC Venugopal and Shashi Tharoor with LoP in Kerala Assembly VD Satheesan, in Thiruvananthapuram | Photo: PTI

Sundar Sethuraman Mumbai

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The ruling Left Democratic Front (LDF), led by the Communist Party of India (Marxist), suffered a decisive defeat in the Kerala Assembly elections, five years after scripting history by retaining power for a second consecutive term. With the loss in the Kerala Assembly elections, the Left has lost its last bastion. The United Democratic Front (UDF), led by the Congress, surged ahead with a commanding lead, winning 102 seats. The ruling LDF was reduced to 35 seats from the 99 it secured in the 2021 elections.
 
Of the 21 ministers in the Left government, including the Chief Minister, only seven were elected; 13 lost, and one did not contest. And three out of the nine Left dissidents won.. And three out of the nine Left dissidents won.
 
 
The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), meanwhile, reopened its account in the Kerala Legislative Assembly and expanded its footprint.
 
Political observers said the scale of the defeat points to more than routine anti-incumbency.
 
“What we are witnessing is a massive anti-incumbency wave — almost a tsunami — that has cut across all social and political divides: minority and majority, gender, region, and age. This is not just about minority consolidation; it is a broad-based landslide against the LDF, including in regions like Malabar that have historically been strongholds of the CPM,” said MG Radhakrishnan, a senior journalist and political observer based in Thiruvananthapuram.
 
The verdict could be the Left’s worst electoral setback in Kerala, comparable to the 1977 post-Emergency election, he added.
 
“The 2021 victory of the LDF was an exception shaped by extraordinary circumstances — particularly the pandemic — when voters tend to rally behind incumbent governments perceived as strong and stable. With those conditions gone, Kerala has reverted to its traditional pattern of voting out incumbents. However, what makes this mandate exceptional is its scale,” said Radhakrishnan.
 
The CPI(M) has remained relevant in Kerala even as it was voted out of power in West Bengal and Tripura. The LDF had won three of the four previous Assembly elections. Even in 2011, when it lost to the UDF, the margins were slender.
 
“This is a historic moment for the Indian Left, which, for the first time since 1969, finds itself without power in any state. With the decline of traditional working-class bases and the rise of a middle-class electorate, the Left faces an uncertain and difficult future,” said Radhakrishnan.
 
At the centre of this electoral setback is Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, whose leadership style has come under scrutiny. Though the Left government made advances in infrastructure and welfare expansion, analysts argue these were overshadowed by perceptions of centralised decision-making and arrogance. The concentration of power around Vijayan also appears to have created a leadership vacuum within the party, leaving no clear second line.
 
The electoral verdict has also had a devastating impact on LDF allies. Only three constituents — CPI(M), CPI, and the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) — managed to retain a presence in the assembly, with others drawing a blank.
 
“As for smaller parties within the LDF, many have effectively been wiped out and are unlikely to survive independently; they may eventually merge with larger formations or realign politically,” said J. Prabhash, former pro-vice-chancellor of Kerala University. He added that some parties, particularly factions of the Kerala Congress, are likely to adopt a wait-and-watch approach, closely tracking developments within the CPM before deciding whether to shift back to the UDF or explore other options.
 
The Congress-led UDF put in one of its best-ever performances, surpassing its 2001 tally of 99 seats.
 
“Interestingly, internal divisions — once a hallmark of the Congress — were largely absent in the UDF this time and instead appeared within the CPM and CPI. That shift also played a role in weakening the Left. Alongside this, there was minority consolidation driven by fears about the BJP’s rise and concerns over the Left’s perceived ‘soft Hindutva’ positioning. Issues like Sabarimala also contributed,” said Prabhash.
 
With the UDF’s victory, all eyes are on who will emerge as the chief minister. The names of Leader of Opposition VD Satheesan, senior leader Ramesh Chennithala, and Congress General Secretary (Organisation) KC Venugopal have been doing the rounds. Satheesan seems to have the upper hand as he played a key role in the UDF’s victory.
 
The BJP won three seats in the Nemom, Kazhakkoottam, and Chathannoor assembly constituencies.
 
“The BJP’s emergence as a three-seat presence is significant. While Kerala remains largely bipolar for now, the BJP has clearly become a factor that cannot be ignored,” Prabhash said.
 
Prabhash added that the BJP’s growth could depend on how internal tensions within the CPM unfold, particularly if disillusioned supporters begin to drift away.
 
The task is cut out for the next government, which will have to deal with burgeoning debt and find solutions for the high unemployment and unfinished infrastructure projects. Outstanding Public Debt of the State at the end of 2024-25 (FY25) was ~3.1 trillion against ~1.57 trillion in FY16.
 
“Kerala today faces a serious fiscal crisis. Over the last five years, the state has gone ‘from debt to debt,’ reflecting a deepening cycle of borrowing and financial stress. The state’s own revenue has declined significantly over time, while committed expenditures, such as pensions and interest payments, consume a disproportionately large share of income. This has pushed the state further into debt, compounded by off-Budget borrowings and inefficiencies in tax collection. Strengthening revenue collection — without raising taxes — by curbing evasion will be critical,” said KP Kannan, development economist.
 
Kannan added that the focus should be on restoring fiscal discipline, improving public services, and creating employment — particularly through sectors such as manufacturing, energy, and public goods provision.
 
“Above all, the government must rebuild public trust by being transparent, realistic, and people-oriented in its approach,” said Kannan. 
 

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First Published: May 04 2026 | 8:34 PM IST

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